This article examines national identification from a comparative and multilevel perspective. Building on the identity, nationalism, and prejudice literatures, I analyze relationships between societies' economic, political, and cultural characteristics (e.g., development, globalization, democratic governance, militarism, and religious and linguistic diversity), individual characteristics (e.g., socioeconomic status and minority status), and preferences for the content of national identities. I also examine relationships between national identity content and public policy preferences toward immigration, citizenship, assimilation, and foreign policy, generally. I use confirmatory factor analysis and multilevel modeling to analyze country-level data and survey data from 31 countries (from the International Social Survey Program's 2003 National Identity II Module). Results suggest that individual and country characteristics help account for the variable and contested nature of national identification. Moreover, the content of national identity categories has implications for public policy and intergroup relations.

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Research has shown that social relationships are generally beneficial for mental health (Thoit s 1995). However, few scholars have examined this association after the occurrence of a significant shoc k to the social system as a whole. The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between socia l integration and war-related distress in Croatia immediately following the recent civil war. Does social integration decrease war-related distress? Does social integration buffer the effect of traumatic events o n war-related distress? We analyze these questions using nationally representative survey data collected i n Croatia in 1996. Results suggest that social integration has both positive and negative direct effects o n distress. Being a member of informal organizations, such as sports clubs, and participating in socia l activities are beneficial for mental health. On the other hand, being a member of some formal organizations, such as church organizations and unions, is detrimental to mental health. There is little support for the idea that social integration buffers the effect of traumatic events on distress. Only one o f thirty-six possible interactions is significant and supports the buffer hypothesis. Frequent participation i n social activities buffers the effect of experiencing violence on war-related distress. Also, some forms o f social integration appear to aggravate the effect of traumatic events on war-related distress. In sum, socia l integration does affect war-related distress after a system shock, but in complex and sometime s unexpected ways .

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