The Sources and Consequences of National Identification

Kunovich, Robert M.

doi:10.1177/000312240907400404

Cited by 250 publications

(324 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Previous research gives us much reason to anticipate that people's understanding of the nation would be associated with attitudes related to in-group/out-group dynamics (Tajfel 1982) and concerns about social boundaries and ritual penetration (Douglas 1966), such as views of race, immigration, trade, international relations, and national sovereignty (Citrin et al 2001;Kunovich 2009). Several scholars have found evidence of associations between attitudes related to nationalism and views of intergroup relations.…”

Section: Is Nationalism Linked To Social Attitudes and Policy Preferementioning

confidence: 99%

Varieties of American Popular Nationalism

2016

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Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain-specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.

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Section: Is Nationalism Linked To Social Attitudes and Policy Preferementioning

confidence: 99%

Varieties of American Popular Nationalism

2016

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“…Ethnic and civic conceptions of nationhood are not mutually exclusive; people may support both types of nationhood (Janmaat, 2006), but it is generally thought that an ethnic conception of the nation is stronger associated with exclusion of migrants than a civic conception of the nation (Kunovich, 2009). As Bruter and Harrison (2011) identify, radical right parties define the nation by referring to what the majority shows to have in common, such as history and language.…”

Section: Expectationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalistic attitudes and voting for the radical right in Europe

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Coenders

2017

European Union Politics

141

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Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right's nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perceived ethnic threat, social distance to Muslims, Euroscepticism and political distrust. The findings show that national identification, national pride and an ethnic conception of nationhood are additional explanations of radical right voting. National identification's effect on radical right voting is found to be stronger when populations on average perceive stronger ethnic threat.

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“…However, no state is purely either ethnic or civic (Kuzio, 2002). Moreover, the degree of endorsement of both ethnic and civic criteria varies across individuals and national subgroups (Kunovich, 2009). The present study tests the prediction that members of national majorities, with higher status because of numerical advantage or better access to resources, hold a stricter conception of nationhood than members of national minorities.…”

Section: Conception Of Nationhood Across Subnational Groups: the Exammentioning

confidence: 88%