Conflict, Religious Identity, and Ethnic Intolerance in Croatia

Kunovich, Robert M.; Hodson, Randy

doi:10.1093/sf/78.2.643

Cited by 39 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…Almond et al. , 1995; Kunovich and Hodson, 1999) have pointed out that religion lends itself to such political exploitation because it provides a basis for group identification, with concomitant intolerance towards other groups. Some support for the instrumental explanation may be adduced from studies showing how political leaders mobilize religious institutions and ties for political ends (e.g.…”

Section: Religion and Political Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Politics of God or Politics of Man? The Role of Religion and Deprivation in Predicting Support for Political Violence in Israel

2007

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This study examines the associations between religious affiliation and religiosity and support for political violence through a nationwide sample of Israeli Jews and Muslims. Based on structural equation modeling, the findings show that by and large Muslims are more supportive of political violence than Jews and more religious persons are less supportive of political violence. Deprivation, however, was found to mediate these relations, showing that the more deprived -whether Muslims or Jews, religious or non-religious persons -are more supportive of political violence. The explanatory strength of religion and deprivation combined in this manner was found to be stronger than any of these variables on their own. The findings cast doubt on negative stereotypes both of Islam and of religiosity as promoting political violence. They suggest that governments which want peace at home, in Israel as elsewhere, would do well to ensure that ethnic and religious differences are not translated into, and compounded by, wide socio-economic gaps.For many years scholars have been searching for explanations of political violence. The abundant factors examined to date range from biological to psychological, cultural, social and political issues. Favored explanations have varied in accordance with both research findings and social and political trends. Still, the view that religion leads to political violence resurfaced in the 1980s, and gained prominence in the 1990s and early 2000s. This claim has been tendered with respect to several different, though related and non-exclusive, forms of political violence: localized violence driven by religious-based intolerance (Beatty and Walter, 1984; The view that religion is a major source of political violence is underpinned by the many historical occasions on which political violence was explicitly carried out in the name of religion or religious values, from the Muslim conquests and Christian Crusades in the Middle Ages; the Spanish Inquisition and Europe's many religious wars from the Renaissance to the seventeenth century; to the more recent sectarian conflicts in Ireland and the Indian sub-continent and international terrorism explicitly carried out in the name of Islam.

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Section: Religion and Political Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

Politics of God or Politics of Man? The Role of Religion and Deprivation in Predicting Support for Political Violence in Israel

2007

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“…The literature on out-group negativity consists of three main approaches, contact theory (Pettigrew 1998(Pettigrew , 2008Brown and Hewstone 2005;Hayes and Dowds 2006;Frølund Thomsen 2012), group threat/competition theory (Quillian 1995;Schneider 2007;Schlueter and Scheepers 2010;Van Assche et al 2014) and social identity theory (Tajfel 1974;Tajfel and Turner 1979;Brewer 1993;Kunovich and Hodson 1999;Coakley 2007).…”

Section: Negativity Towards Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities In The Lmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is racism the new sectarianism? Negativity towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland from 2004 to 2015

Doebler

McAreavey

Shortall

2017

Ethnic and Racial Studies

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Negativity towards ethnic minorities is a serious problem in Northern Ireland. Its history of the Troubles around religious identities makes Northern Ireland a special case in Europe. This paper examines negativity towards Muslims, Eastern Europeans and immigrants in Northern Ireland using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey and the British Social Attitudes Survey. The results from regressions show that anti-immigrant negativity is no more prevalent in Northern Ireland than elsewhere in the UK. However, levels of negativity towards Muslims and Eastern Europeans are significantly higher than in Great Britain and have increased in recent years, particularly among young adults aged 18-24 years, although older cohorts are more intolerant on average. Our regression analyses found strong positive relationships between anti-immigrant negativity, sectarianism and perceived neighbourhood segregation. Higher education, contacts with minority members and (religiously) mixed schooling are negatively related to negativity towards immigrants.

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“…Religious affiliation, commitment, and participation have only weak indirect effects on intolerance in Poland (Karpov 1999b). The effect of religiosity (attendance and the intensity of beliefs) on intolerance is largely spurious in Croatia (Kunovich and Hodson 1999). Nevertheless, religiosity is an important control variable because political and religious elites manipulated religious symbols to propagate nationalism throughout the region.…”

Section: County Compositionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A great deal of scholarly effort has been dedicated to uncovering the sources of prejudice and intolerance around the world (Allport 1954;Blalock 1967;Bob0 and Hutchings 1996;Bob0 and Kluegel 1993;Hodson, SekuliC, and Massey 1994;Karpov 3999a;1999b;Kinder and Sanders 1996;Kunovich and Hodson 1999;Massey, Hodson, and SekuliC 1999;Quillian 1995;1996;Sniderman, Peri, Figueiredo, and Piazza 2000;Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus 1982;Sullivan, Shamir, Walsh, and Roberts 1985). Scholars have based these analyses on an assumed link between prejudice, discrimination, and conflict.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnic Diversity, Segregation, and Inequality: A Structural Model of Ethnic Prejudice in Bosnia and Croatia

Kunovich

Hodson

2002

The Sociological Quarterly

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Widespread ethnic prejudice is an incomplete explanation for the devclopment of war in the former Yugoslavia. However, high levels of prejudice in ethnic enclaves played an important role in increasing ethnic tensions and facilitating the outbreak of war. The purpose of this article is to explain county differences in average levels of ethnic prejudice in Bosnia and Croatia prior to the wars of national separation. We focus on structural characteristics of counties, such as ethnic diversity, economic conditions, and ethnic segregation and inequality, to explain county differences in average levels of prejudice. We also consider the possibility that compositional differences among counties (e.g., differences in average levels of education) explain county differences in ethnic prejudice. We combine survey data and county-level census data collected immediately prior to the wars of national separation and use hierarchical linear modeling techniques to analyze these data. Results suggest that ethnic diversity and ethnic occupational segregation decrease ethnic prejudice whilc ethnic cconomic inequality increases ethnic prejudice. Thus, structural characteristics account for some of the county differences in average levels of prejudice. County compositional differences, however, explain a majority of thc county variation in ethnic prejudice. These results provide important clues to the origins of pockets of intense ethnic prejudice within diverse societies.Recent decades have seen a resurgence of ethnic prejudice and ethnic conflict throughout the world. Scholars have estimated that between eleven million and twenty million people have died as a result of ethnic conflict since 1945 (Topor 1992;Williams 1994). Events in Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo, and Rwanda have demonstrated the devastating power of ethnic prejudice and ethnic conflict. Above and beyond the death and destruction suffered by individuals. these conflicts have damaged the societies themselves. Through genocide, mass rape, intimidation, and population transfer.Direct all correspondence to Robert M. Kunovich, Sociology

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Conflict, Religious Identity, and Ethnic Intolerance in Croatia

Cited by 39 publications

References 18 publications

Politics of God or Politics of Man? The Role of Religion and Deprivation in Predicting Support for Political Violence in Israel

Politics of God or Politics of Man? The Role of Religion and Deprivation in Predicting Support for Political Violence in Israel

Is racism the new sectarianism? Negativity towards immigrants and ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland from 2004 to 2015

Ethnic Diversity, Segregation, and Inequality: A Structural Model of Ethnic Prejudice in Bosnia and Croatia

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