2010
DOI: 10.1590/s0104-62762010000200002
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As bases eleitorais de Lula e do PT: do distanciamento ao divórcio

Abstract: O debate sobre o distanciamento entre Lula e o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ganhou corpo na eleição de 2006, quando a popularidade de Lula e de seu governo não se estendeu ao PT, como seria esperado. Pela primeira vez o partido não melhorou o desempenho na votação para a Câmara dos Deputados em relação à eleição anterior. Analisamos as bases eleitorais de Lula e do PT nas quatro últimas eleições para presidente e deputado federal (1994-2006), e comprovamos o distanciamento entre elas. Pesquisamos a distribui… Show more

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Cited by 32 publications
(11 citation statements)
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“…It is also worth noting that, in the last decade, research on political behavior in Brazil was strongly marked by the discussion around the effects of the reduction of inequalities and poverty, as well as the emergence and weakening of "Lulism" 5 , related, among other factors, to the rise of "antipetismo" (diffuse movement, present in different sectors of society, contrary to the Workers' Party of Brazil). (SAMUELS, 2004;TERRON;SOARES, 2010;VIDIGAL, 2018;RIBEIRO, 2011;RIBEIRO;CARREIRÃO;BORBA, 2016).…”
Section: Political Behavior and Social Position Transmission Processesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is also worth noting that, in the last decade, research on political behavior in Brazil was strongly marked by the discussion around the effects of the reduction of inequalities and poverty, as well as the emergence and weakening of "Lulism" 5 , related, among other factors, to the rise of "antipetismo" (diffuse movement, present in different sectors of society, contrary to the Workers' Party of Brazil). (SAMUELS, 2004;TERRON;SOARES, 2010;VIDIGAL, 2018;RIBEIRO, 2011;RIBEIRO;CARREIRÃO;BORBA, 2016).…”
Section: Political Behavior and Social Position Transmission Processesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Em se tratando especificamente do Brasil, o sistema partidário nacional possui atualmente 35 legendas e é considerado um dos sistemas multipartidários mais fragmentados do mundo por conta de seu alto número de partidos efetivos (Payne, 2007;Dalton, Farrell e McAllister, 2011), o que poderia explicar, ainda que parcialmente, a falta de preferência partidária evidenciada nos últimos anos (Kinzo, 2007) e que dificulta o estabelecimento de lealdades partidárias pelos eleitores (Borba, Gimenes e Ribeiro, 2015a;Gimenes, 2018ª, 2018b. Contudo, apesar de serem muitos os estudos sobre a relação dos eleitores com os partidos políticos no Brasil no período pós-redemocratização, tais pesquisas se concentram majoritariamente sobre o comportamento eleitoral (Samuels, 1997;Carreirão e Kinzo, 2004;Carreirão, 2007;Pimentel Junior, 2007;Terron e Soares, 2010;Telles, 2012) e a identificação e os sentimentos partidários manifestados pelos eleitores (Kinzo, 2007;Veiga, 2007Veiga, , 2011Carreirão, 2008;Ribeiro, Carreirão e Borba, 2011, 2016Dias e Ribeiro, 2013;Samuels e Zucco Junior, 2013;Borba, Gimenes e Ribeiro, 2015b;Gimenes, 2015Gimenes, , 2018aGimenes, , 2018bGimenes et al, 2016).…”
Section: Considerações Iniciaisunclassified
“…Scholars agree that this constituency overwhelmingly credited Lula for BF and supported him for the first time in the 2006 presidential election (Hunter and Power 2007;Zucco 2008, n.d.;Singer 2009;Hunter 2010). 8 The members of Lula's new constituency, by and large, did not become PT partisans or transfer their votes to "down-ticket" candidates of the PT and left allies (Hunter and Power 2007;Figueiredo and Hidalgo 2009;Singer 2009;Hunter 2010;Terron and Soares 2010;Montero 2010Montero , 2012aZucco and Samuels n.d.). Evidence indicates that this divergence resulted partly from lack of political information; many northeastern voters associated BF with Lula but not with the PT (Figueiredo and Hidalgo 2009), and in some cases, non-PT state and local-level politicians successfully claimed credit for the program (Montero 2010).…”
Section: Bolsa Família and Its Electoral Impactmentioning
confidence: 99%