In this article, the authors examine various questions regarding the new expressions of international contestation, analysing answers and reactions from states to the emergence of non‐governmental actors opposed to the present world order who claim to propose alternatives to neo‐liberal governance. To do so, the authors identify some of the more visible movements of contestation against economic globalisation, like the Seattle, Prague, and Genoa demonstrations, and, first of all, the four editions of the World Social Forum that have taken place, first in Porto Alegre and latterly in Mumbai. At the same time, the article shows the interstate relations that aim to control and if necessary repress these movements, particularly after the attacks on 11 September 2001, and surveys the main legal measures adopted by governments and international institutions, in particular within the European Union. Finally, an account is given of certain strategies to “jurisdictionalise” international conflicts, which some new kinds of litigants purport to use to give legitimacy and visibility to contested claims by directing them to a third‐party adjudicator (a tribunal, a mediator, a humanitarian body, etc.).
De todas la teorías explicativas del cambio social, el marxismo fue, seguramente, aquella que pareció ofrecer más coherencia, más realismo y, al mismo tiempo, más esperanzas. Es desde esta perspectiva que la revolución apareció a un gran número de sociólogos, de historiadores y de politólogos como un momento privilegiado del cambio social. Había que esforzarse, así, por comprender la génesis, el estallido y los efectos de la revolución y sus efectos a corto y (sobre todo) a largo plazo. Es verdad que la historia de Occidente está marcada por ciertas revoluciones que produjeron una serie de efectos múltiples. El historiador norteamericano del
O espartilho de Têmis. A inédita demanda por justiça de nossa sociedade ABSTRACT: The article gives an account of a social mutation of the first magnitude that we are witnesses: the crisis, desertion or loss of legitimacy of authority figures who until recently processed and were the answer the conflicts and demands of conviviality in their own society. These social magistrates have been replaced by judges who seem to be nowadays the only (maybe the latest) legitimated persons to meddle in other people's lives and respond to old and new social demands (individual and collective). Moreover, this appeal to the law and robed magistrates is not confined to pursue the resolution of private disputes, but it often changes into a strategic resource available to politicians and citizens. The former have discovered the Court as one new place for politics, while the latter are directed to justice not only for get that an deleterious experience will be recognized as one grievance, but also to satisfy a political claim: convene before a symbolic instance of a party leader or a senior official who seem not to be "responsible" more than the name already that, in fact, never have had to be accountable to anyone by his indifference for the law.
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