Bacteria commonly utilise a unique type of transporter, called Feo, to specifically acquire the ferrous (Fe2+) form of iron from their environment. Enterobacterial Feo systems are composed of three proteins: FeoA, a small, soluble SH3-domain protein probably located in the cytosol; FeoB, a large protein with a cytosolic N-terminal G-protein domain and a C-terminal integral inner-membrane domain containing two 'Gate' motifs which likely functions as the Fe2+ permease; and FeoC, a small protein apparently functioning as an [Fe-S]-dependent transcriptional repressor. We provide a review of the current literature combined with a bioinformatic assessment of bacterial Feo systems showing how they exhibit common features, as well as differences in organisation and composition which probably reflect variations in mechanisms employed and function.

This essay surveys assorted cases of relic forgery from colonial and modern Latin America, to argue that such forgeries are a) particularly widespread in the region; b) part of a quite formalized sector of the region's informal economies; and c) commodities produced by a wide range of elite and non-elite actors. To explain why this should be it suggests a very schematic typology of relic forgery in Latin America-taken here as a broad, Chicano construct, encompassing parts of California and upstate New York-and attempts a superficial political economy of relic forgery. This last focuses particularly on the modern period, and on the role of archaeology in a strange business: the materialization of memory through fraud. Forging relics is, as other essays in this volume suggest, a practice that spans a whole range of times, places, and cultures. Some relics, like Mohammed's toothpick or splinters of the One True Cross-usefully interchangeable, one might think-became ubiquitous precisely because of the ease with which they could be mass-produced. Three hundred men, Luther mocked ponderously, would not have sufficed to carry off all the fragments of the One True Cross. 1 Such forgery is merely a subset of the broader category of artefact and antiquity fraud. There is surprisingly little historical literature on this exotic trade; yet it is, as any curator or collector knows, extremely commonplace. Museum director Thomas Hoving estimated that thirty per cent of the objects offered to the Met were fakes. Even the most knowledgeable collectors, he wrote, would purchase some forgeries over a career's span, for fakes abounded in every market; antiquity fraud was a 'massive, truly monumental industry'. 2 Hoving's choice of 'industry' was neither verbal sloppiness nor 1 David Lowenthal, 'Authenticity: Rock of Faith or Quicksand Quagmire?', The Getty Conservation Institute Newsletter, 14 (1999), 5-8. 2 One favoured, moreover, by at least two long-standing traits of collectors and curators: i) the drive to unearth rarities, usually of high intrinsic value and easily squared with a western aesthetic sense, and ii) the assumption, as Hoving's mentor taught him, that 'although it was a mistake to collect a fake, an error every adventurous connoisseur had Past and Present (2010), Supplement 5 ß The Past and Present Society //cephastorage2/Journals/application/OUP/pastj/pastj-000(5)Printer/ gtq018.3d [12.5.2010-5:12pm] [199-226] Paper: gtq018 MANUSCRIPT CATEGORY: ORIGINAL ARTICLE hyperbole, but a reasonable definition of a complex business bound tightly to the laws of supply and demand. Thus postwar Rome, for example, became a centre of forgery due to a potent combination of strong American demand for antiquities, their relative scarcity and the poverty of restorers, sculptors, and the academics who verified and gave provenances for their fakes. 3 (This was not Rome's first period of notoriety for art fraud: in the first century AD Seneca the Elder found half a dozen workshops forging Greek jewels and intaglios, while 'painters' gal...

The retirement of the army from national politics after 1940 was one of the main distinguishing marks of modern Mexico. This chapter gauges the extent of that retirement, finding that it followed a near-coup in 1948 and that its endurance relied, paradoxically, on the veto power of an informal senate of senior generals. In exchange for their surrender of national power, soldiers remained autonomous and energetic rent-seekers at the subnational level, where region and zone commanders enjoyed free hands to dabble in the politics and business of the states. The army’s subordination to civilian rule was in reality only to the president, and it rested on a Faustian pact. It was enough, however, to stop Mexicans from following the rest of Latin America into military dictatorship.

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JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. This article analyses the role of rural teachers in state formation in Guerrero, from revolutionary reconstruction through Cardenista reform projects to the dawn of the postrevolutionary political system. It examines the ideological construction of the maestro rural as a reformist opponent of caciques and the poverty they were held to perpetuate; traces the cacical practices of many teachers in Guerrero; and questions teachers' efficacy as agents of rational/bureaucratic state expansion. In conclusion, the author considers the relevance of the history of education in Guerrero to broader assessments of education and state formation in modern Mexico.Este artículo analiza el papel de los profesores rurales en la formación estatal en Guerrero, desde la reconstrucción revolucionaria a través de la reforma cardenista, hasta el inicio del sistema político postrevolucionario. Examina la construcción ideológica del maestro rural como un opositor reformista de caciques y la pobreza que estaban sometidos a perpetuar; traza las prácticas cacicales de muchos profesores en Guerrero; y cuestiona la eficacia de los maestros como agentes de expansión estatal racional/burocrática. Para concluir, el autor considera la relevancia de la historia de la educación en Guerrero para ampliar la valoración de la educación y formación estatal en el México moderno.

“There’s nowhere like Mexico”—como México no hay dos—is a nationalist catchphrase: sometimes jingoistic, sometimes ironic, always accurate.1 In the first place Mexico enjoys the fundamental distinction of housing one of the few great social and political revolutions; in the Americas only Cuba compares....