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Spectacular growth in information and communication technologies (ICTs), and specifically the internet, has the potential to offer a new generation of tools for rural development. The internet, with its huge quantities and variety of content, i s increasingly becoming an effective delivery and exchange system for information and knowledge, continuing education and learning. However, rural ICT requires special efforts to create appropriate models for those who can neither afford the Internet access nor have the language capacity to understand the content. 1New information and communication technologies represent perhaps the greatest tool to date for self-education and value-addition to an individual or community's own efforts for development, yet poor rural communities do not have the necessary awareness, skills or facilities to contribute to their own development using ICTs. The majority and those with the least resources in South Asia are being left out of the benefits of these new technologies and more importantly, rural areas do even have a foothold in the revolution that ICTs are ushering in.Parallel to other increasing forms of inequity, there is an evident gap, widening at an exponential rate, between those with access to media and ICTs as p roductive tools and those without. Closing what has become known as 'the digital divide' is particularly important precisely because digital ICTs cut across and add value to all fields of development and offer applications to bridge the spectrum of inequities of which the 'digital divide' is only an extension or a symptom.The communication scenario along with the political context in the island nation of Sri Lanka is very much similar to most its South Asian neighbours. The metropolis and regional centres are witnessing rapid expansions in telecom and media sectors while telephones, electricity and clean drinking water are luxuries for many in the countryside.The absence of relevant experience is major barrier for rural ICT usage. One example that offers some useful insight and successful elements for a model is Kothmale Community Radio and Internet in central Sri Lanka. KOTHMALEThe internet project at Kothmale was initiated in 1998 -by UNESCO in partnership with a series of Sri Lankan and international agencies 2 -specifically to address 'the digital divide' The elements that make Kothmale stand out in the field of ICT projects are the 'marriage' of internet with local community radio and the innovation in raising rural community awareness of ICTs that this convergence has allowed. Radio Web BrowsingThe community radio station broadcasts a daily 'Radio Browsing the Internet' programme, and in this programme, the broadcasters, supported by resource personnel, browse the Internet on-air together with their listeners and discuss and contextualise information in local language. The radio programme thus contributes to raise awareness about the Internet in a participatory manner, the listeners request the broadcasters to surf the WEB on their behalf and the programm...

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The EU–Russia Partnership for Modernisation (P4M) seemingly indicated a shift in the relationship from a basis in a democratising discourse to a modernising one. This article argues that despite Russia's view of modernisation as being about economic growth and innovation, for the EU democratisation remained an important priority. Which vision, however, has been vindicated? To answer this question, the focus is on the use of computer-mediated communication, occasioned by the questions asked since mass public demonstrations began in Russia in late 2011 about whether those protests were evidence of Russia undergoing its own ‘spring’ in the way seen in many parts of the Arab world in 2010. These comparisons were drawn primarily because of the perceived role of new technologies in helping ordinary Russians to mobilise and publicise protest. Looking at modernisation through the prism of social media is revealing of the extent to which Russians use modern technology and of the extent to which Russia is democratising. The article concludes that there is evidence of modernising and democratising effects but that an increasingly repressive government approach looks like creating effective obstacles to the EU and Russian visions of modernisation alike

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This article examines the UK's post-ColdFor many Member States, the European Union has proved a significant forum for managing relations with Russia. The same cannot be said for the UK. In successive foreign policy documents, the EU is referenced as just one of a wider circle of arrangements through which the UK's relations with Russia are conducted. Each is a supplement to rather than substitute for bilateralism. Indeed, the UK has tried to position itself as interlocutor between Russia and others, notably the USA, rather than rely on the EU or others to perform that role on its behalf. In demonstrating this, three phases in the UK's post-Cold War relationship with Russia are identified and followed: the first is a period of engagement and accommodation; the second one of disappointment and disapprobation; the third, wary cooperation and pragmatic engagement. Factors most affecting the relationship are not UK membership of the EU but i) the simultaneous pursuit of values and interests, ii) the role of leadership and iii) external pressures. Neither state is necessarily reliant upon each other but common threats and challenges and the desire to trade mean neither is entirely independent of the other either. Historically and currently the UK and Russia both seek status as global powers. An intervening and often detrimental variable in this is the USA.

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