This study examines the effect of the country of origin of the vaccine on vaccination acceptance against COVID-19. More specifically, we show how the political context in Brazil has affected acceptance of vaccines produced in China, Russia, the US, and England at the University of Oxford. Our data come from a survey experiment applied to a national sample of 2771 adult Brazilians between September 23 and October 2, 2020. We find greater rejection among Brazilians for vaccines developed in China and Russia, as compared to vaccines from the US or England. We also find that rejection of the Chinese-developed vaccine is particularly strong among those who support President Jair Bolsonaro—a COVID-19 denier and strong critic of China and vaccination, in general.

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Research on presidential coattails in elections has focused nearly exclusively on two-party systems like the United States. Much less is known, however, about presidential coattails in multiparty systems where electoral and governing coalitions are common currency. Under coalitional presidentialism, we argue that presidential coattails are diffused, benefiting the president’s party but also her coalition party members, especially those most strongly associated with the coalition itself. Using electoral data from Chile and Brazil, two widely studied but distinct cases of coalitional presidentialism, we find strong evidence supporting this claim. The results carry important implications for students of coalitional presidentialism, presidential coattails, and party systems, more generally.

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The objective of this study is to assess and compare the relative impact of issues and the economy on the vote in democratic elections. There is a rich and vast literature dealing with issue voting and an equally impressive literature concerning economic voting. For the most part, however, these amount to two separate streams of research. Relatively little attention has been paid to where these literatures overlap and less still to the simple but basic question: which matters most, the issues or the economy?The main debate in the issue voting literature recently has been between the directional and proximity models. That debate, engaging both technical and conceptual issues, has focused entirely on how issues play in an election, whether voters prefer the party that is closest to their own position or the party that is the strongest defender of their side on an issue. The question of how much issues affect the vote, however, has been neglected. Indeed, both the proximity and directional schools implicitly agree that issues matter, and so challenge the Michigan school's strong scepticism on the import of issues. Given that the difference between the two models is often quite small, a more fruitful line of investigation might be to return to the equally fundamental ‘how much’ question.

Objective. In this article we assess the partisan effects of five plans proposed by Republican state legislators during Texas' 2003 congressional redistricting. Methods. Using the JudgeIt statistical program developed by Gelman and King (2001), and data provided by the Texas Legislative Council, we assess the bias, responsiveness, and the probability that the Democratic Party wins each district for each plan. Results. All five Republican plans, including the one enacted, are strongly biased in favor of the Republican Party. Conclusions. Texas' Democratic legislators were wise to use every parliamentary maneuver available to block the enactment of a new congressional map. Beyond affecting the partisan makeup of the Texas delegation, Texas' redistricting has national implications because it adds to the GOP's narrow majority in the U.S. House of Representatives.

IntroduçãoSaber claramente os significados das ideologias políticas, para que servem, como são aplicadas ao cotidiano político, parece ser um extraordinário desafio, principalmente para o amplo eleitorado brasileiro. No restrito ambiente das elites políticas do país, porém, as ideologias tendem a ser ferramentas substanciais na demarcação de preferências políticas, econômicas e morais. Essa elite política, no entanto, não é composta por todos os filiados a um determinado partido político, por todos os políticos, mas pela elite da elite, isto é, os fundadores, diretores, personalidades-chave dos