Even though ambiguous words are common in languages, children find it hard to learn homophones, where a single label applies to several distinct meanings (e.g., Mazzocco, 1997). The present work addresses this apparent discrepancy between learning abilities and typological pattern, with respect to homophony in the lexicon. In a series of five experiments, 20-month-old French children easily learnt a pair of homophones if the two meanings associated with the phonological form belonged to different syntactic categories, or to different semantic categories. However, toddlers failed to learn homophones when the two meanings were distinguished only by different grammatical genders. In parallel, we analyzed the lexicon of four languages, Dutch, English, French and German, and observed that homophones are distributed non-arbitrarily in the lexicon, such that easily learnable homophones are more frequent than hard-to-learn ones: pairs of homophones are preferentially distributed across syntactic and semantic categories, but not across grammatical gender. We show that learning homophones is easier than previously thought, at least when the meanings of the same phonological form are made sufficiently distinct by their syntactic or semantic context. Following this, we propose that this learnability advantage translates into the overall structure of the lexicon, i.e., the kinds of homophones present in languages exhibit the properties that make them learnable by toddlers, thus allowing them to remain in languages.

A basic task in first language acquisition likely involves discovering the boundaries between words or morphemes in input where these basic units are not overtly segmented. A number of unsupervised learning algorithms have been proposed in the last 20 years for these purposes, some of which have been implemented computationally, but whose results remain difficult to compare across papers. We created a tool that is open source, enables reproducible results, and encourages cumulative science in this domain. WordSeg has a modular architecture: It combines a set of corpora description routines, multiple algorithms varying in complexity and cognitive assumptions (including several that were not publicly available, or insufficiently documented), and a rich evaluation package. In the paper, we illustrate the use of this package by analyzing a corpus of child-directed speech in various ways, which further allows us to make recommendations for experimental design of follow-up work. Supplementary materials allow readers to reproduce every result in this paper, and detailed online instructions further enable them to go beyond what we have done. Moreover, the system can be installed within container software that ensures a stable and reliable environment. Finally, by virtue of its modular architecture and transparency, WordSeg can work as an open-source platform, to which other researchers can add their own segmentation algorithms.

No abstract

No abstract

Many infants and children around the world grow up exposed to two or more languages. Their success in learning each of their languages is a direct consequence of the quantity and quality of their everyday language experience, including at home, in daycare and preschools, and in the broader community context. Here, we discuss how research on early language learning can inform policies that promote successful bilingual development across the varied contexts in which infants and children live and learn. Throughout our discussions, we highlight that each individual child's experience is unique. In fact, it seems that there are as many ways to grow up bilingual as there are bilingual children. To promote successful bilingual development, we need policies that acknowledge this variability and support frequent exposure to high-quality experience in each of a child's languages.

Language switching is common in bilingual environments, including those of many bilingual children. Some bilingual children hear rapid switching that involves immediate translation of words (an ‘immediate-translation’ pattern), while others hear their languages most often in long blocks of a single language (a ‘one-language-at-a-time’ pattern). Our two-site experimental study compared two groups of developing bilinguals from different communities, and investigated whether differences in the timing of language switching impose different demands on bilingual children’ learning of novel nouns in their two languages: do children learn differently if they hear a translation immediately vs. if they hear translations more separated in time? Using an at-home online tablet word learning task, data were collected asynchronously from 3- to 5-year-old bilinguals from French–English bilingual families in Montreal, Canada (N = 31) and Spanish–English bilingual families in New Jersey, USA (N = 22). Results showed that bilingual children in both communities readily learned new words, and their performance was similar across the immediate-translation and one-language-at-a-time conditions. Our findings highlight that different types of bilingual interactions can provide equal learning opportunities for bilingual children’s vocabulary development.

Many infants and children around the world grow up exposed to two or more languages. Their success in learning each of their languages is a direct consequence of the quantity and quality of their everyday language experience, including at home, in daycare and preschools, and in the broader community context. Here, we discuss how research on early language learning can inform policies that promote successful bilingual development across the varied contexts in which infants and children live and learn. Throughout our discussions, we highlight that each individual child’s experience is unique. In fact, it seems that there are as many ways to grow up bilingual as there are bilingual children. To promote successful bilingual development, we need policies that acknowledge this variability and support frequent exposure to high-quality experience in each of a child’s languages.

Language switching is common in bilingual environments, including those of many bilingual children. Some bilingual children hear rapid switching that involves immediate translation of words (an "immediate-translation" pattern), while others hear their languages most often in long blocks of a single language (a "one-language-at-a-time" pattern). Our two-site experimental study compared two groups of developing bilinguals from different communities, and investigated whether differences in the timing of language switching impose different demands on bilingual children's learning of novel nouns in their two languages: do children learn differently if they hear a translation immediately versus if they hear translations more separated in time? Using an at-home online tablet word learning task, data were collected asynchronously from 3-to 5-year-old bilinguals from French-English bilingual families in Montreal, Canada (N = 31) and Spanish-English bilingual families in New Jersey, USA (N = 22). Results showed that bilingual children in both communities readily learned new words, and their performance was similar across the immediate-translation and one-language-at-a-time conditions. Our findings highlight that different types of bilingual interactions can provide equal learning opportunities for bilingual children's vocabulary development.What is the significance of this article for the general public? This study explored whether different patterns of language switching affect bilingual children's word learning-a question that is often asked by caregivers raising bilingual children. Our results show that different patterns of bilingual interaction provide equal learning opportunities for bilingual children's vocabulary development.