Previous evidence regarding the outcomes of sexual harassment in the workplace has come mainly from self-selected samples or analogue studies or those using inadequate measures. The sexual harassment experiences, coping responses, and job-related and psychological outcomes of 447 female private-sector employees and 300 female university employees were examined. Discriminant function analyses indicated that women who had not been harassed and women who had experienced low, moderate, and high frequencies of harassment could be distinguished on the basis of both job-related and psychological outcomes. These outcomes could not be attributed to negative affective disposition, attitudes toward harassment, or general job stress. Results suggest that relatively low-level but frequent types of sexual harassment can have significant negative consequences for working women.
The current research examined the impact of workplace ostracism on work-related attitudes and behaviors. Participants read a vignette describing a series of workplace interactions between the participant and two coworkers. During the interactions, participants were included in a group discussion, ostracized by coworkers in English or ostracized in Spanish. Consistent with predictions, ostracized participants reported lower levels of organizational commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors than included participants. Ostracism by language resulted in lower work group commitment and higher levels of symbolic threat compared with included participants and those ostracized in English. Increased prejudice was also reported by participants exposed to language ostracism. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for general attitudinal processes and employee-related work attitudes and behaviors.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to examine 2,102 #MeToo tweets and focuses on the content of the tweets and social reactions to these tweets. For a subsample of 912 tweets that included disclosures of sexual assault or harassment, the incident type and context, along with coping were also examined.
Design/methodology/approach
#MeToo tweets were retrieved from a 24 h time period immediately after the initial tweet prompting responses. Both sentiment analysis and content and context analyses were performed.
Findings
Although the overall sentiment of tweets indicated a negative tone, the majority of positive social reactions indicated validation and belief of survivors, offered emotional support and called for social change. Targets who disclosed generally described workplace harassment and assertive coping responses.
Research limitations/implications
Sentiment analysis can be limited given a lack of context. Not all targets using #MeToo shared details of their harassment or assault; those who did reported using more assertive coping responses than traditional samples of survivors.
Practical implications
Social media platforms offer unique opportunities for targets to share personal stories and receive emotional and social support they may not have access in-person.
Social implications
#MeToo provided targets with a groundswell of social and emotional support, along with a less frequent amount of backlash against the movement.
Originality/value
A multimethod approach was used with both sentiment analysis and text coding to examine #MeToo, allowing for a description of types of incidents shared, coping strategies and social reactions.
SummaryThe authors investigated whether the relationship between the contents of emotional social support and job burnout among high-school teachers is spurious because of the role of dispositional positive and negative affectivity. A national sample of 339 teachers was surveyed via a web-based procedure. Hierarchical regression analyses did not support spuriousness; emotional social support was uniquely predictive of three dimensions of burnout controlling for affectivity. As positive emotional social support increased, emotional exhaustion and cynicism decreased, and professional efficacy increased. As negative emotional social support increased, emotional exhaustion and cynicism also increased. Commonality analyses based on the present data and data reported by K. L. Zellars and P. L. Perrewé (2001; Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 459-467) provided additional support for the unique role of emotional social support on burnout, but these analyses suggest a greater role of affectivity than emotional social support. These findings have implications for research on burnout as well as the prevention of burnout among teachers.
The present research examined the experiences of individuals who witnessed or knew about ethnic harassment of their coworkers. Through 3 studies, we found that knowledge of other people's harassment was differentiated from personal experiences as a target and was associated with deleterious occupational, health‐related, and psychological consequences beyond those accounted for by direct harassment and affective disposition. Ethnicity and gender did not moderate these relationships. Knowledge of others' ethnic harassment can therefore be construed as bystander harassment. Results also indicated that bystander and direct harassment were relatively common occurrences. Both harassment types contributed to how ethnic conflict is experienced. The consequences of ethnic harassment are not restricted to ethnic minority employees. Rather, everyone is at risk from such behaviors.
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