Understanding changes in attitudes towards others is critical to understanding human behaviour. Neuropolitical studies have found that the activation of emotion-related areas in the brain is linked to resilient political preferences, and neuroeconomic research has analysed the neural correlates of social preferences that favour or oppose consideration of intrinsic rewards. This study aims to identify the neural correlates in the prefrontal cortices of changes in political attitudes toward others that are linked to social cognition. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiments have presented videos from previous electoral campaigns and television commercials for major cola brands and then used the subjects' self-rated affinity toward political candidates as behavioural indicators. After viewing negative campaign videos, subjects showing stronger fMRI activation in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex lowered their ratings of the candidate they originally supported more than did those with smaller fMRI signal changes in the same region. Subjects showing stronger activation in the medial prefrontal cortex tended to increase their ratings more than did those with less activation. The same regions were not activated by viewing negative advertisements for cola. Correlations between the self-rated values and the neural signal changes underscore the metric representation of observed decisions (i.e., whether to support or not) in the brain. This indicates that neurometric analysis may contribute to the exploration of the neural correlates of daily social behaviour.

This paper examines the instability of party identification among eligible Japanese voters, using a seven-wave panel survey covering the period from 1993 to 1996. We found that only about a quarter of our sample consistently identified with the same parties, suggesting that party identification of eligible Japanese voters is very unstable. We also examined the individual characteristics influencing the stability of party identification and found that membership in religious organizations and favourable opinions toward major pre-existing political parties (the LDP, the CGP and the JSP/SDP) have a stabilizing effect on party identification. On the other hand, favourable opinions toward new parties and minor, pre-existing parties (the JCP and the DSP) have a destabilizing effect on party identification. Furthermore, political dissatisfaction, reformative ideology, and the absence of a belief in voting as a duty have a destabilizing effect on party identification. KEY WORDS _ Japanese voters _ party identification _ stabilityThe stability of party identification has been a controversial topic among scholars studying electoral behaviour (

In this paper, we examine some of the ways in which Koizumi Junichiro took advantage of changes in television news to win the 2001 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election and become prime minister of Japan. Koizumi adopted a strategy of political populism to increase his exposure in the media and develop a public reputation. Changes in the LDP selection procedure, in combination with long-term social and economic change and political reform, meant that the media mattered more to his campaign than had previously been the case. We use data from the Japan Election Study II (JES II) to show that the effects of Koizumi' media-driven popularity and style of politics reversed the LDP' electoral fortunes in the Upper House Election in 2001.

On September 11, 2005, Koizumi Junichiro and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) achieved a stunning victory in the 44th House of Representatives election. In stark contrast with the previous election, just two years earlier, in which the LDP had only managed 237 seats, the LDP captured an impressive 296 seats. This meant that together with their coalition partner, the Komeito, the LDP now controlled two thirds of the seats in the House of Representatives (the more powerful of the two houses that comprise Japan's Diet, or parliament).

Postmaterialists argue that citizens' values change when economic development expands educational opportunities. In modernized societies, people embrace postmaterialist values such as self-expression and the quality of life, including support for gender equality. We argue that the political processes that accompany modernization influence value formation. Since all societies do not modernize in the same way, citizens in different regions do not share an identical set of values at a particular stage in modernization. We compare East Asia with other regions, arguing that in East Asia, state-driven modernization processes incorporated gender inequality, and citizens' values reflect the norms disseminated by their governments. We use the underutilized Gallup International Millennium Survey, conducted in more than 60 countries in 2000.