Abstract:On September 11, 2005, Koizumi Junichiro and his Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP) achieved a stunning victory in the 44th House of
Representatives election. In stark contrast with the previous election,
just two years earlier, in which the LDP had only managed 237 seats, the
LDP captured an impressive 296 seats. This meant that together with their
coalition partner, the Komeito, the LDP now controlled two thirds of the
seats in the House of Representatives (the more powerful of the two houses
that compris… Show more
“…Aggravated by these entrenched LDP politicians, Koizumi, called a snap election in 2005, and ran a party-based campaign against LDP candidates. He kicked out several LDP politicians from the party and brought in 'assassins,' Koizumi-backed candidates running specifically to oust those who opposed his reforms, in a fight to change the LDP from the inside (Kabashima and Steel, 2007). The gambit largely succeeded and the LDP won a substantial number of seats, many of them Koizumi supporters.…”
In 2009, after decades of single party rule under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Japan had its first taste of a real alteration of power. However, just 3 years later, the LDP regained control of government with no significant challenger in sight. Historically, LDP dominance is a common tale, but its resurgence in recent years poses a significant puzzle in Japanese politics. What exactly has contributed to the LDP's return to power? In the years that have passed, the LDP's strength has come from a combination of cash, clientelistic networks, and strong candidates, but recent research has found that Japanese politics has become more programmatic and party-focused. While LDP dominance since its return to power in 2012 can be attributed in part to its candidates, I find that the appeal of the party label has played a large role in securing the LDP's large majorities.
“…Aggravated by these entrenched LDP politicians, Koizumi, called a snap election in 2005, and ran a party-based campaign against LDP candidates. He kicked out several LDP politicians from the party and brought in 'assassins,' Koizumi-backed candidates running specifically to oust those who opposed his reforms, in a fight to change the LDP from the inside (Kabashima and Steel, 2007). The gambit largely succeeded and the LDP won a substantial number of seats, many of them Koizumi supporters.…”
In 2009, after decades of single party rule under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Japan had its first taste of a real alteration of power. However, just 3 years later, the LDP regained control of government with no significant challenger in sight. Historically, LDP dominance is a common tale, but its resurgence in recent years poses a significant puzzle in Japanese politics. What exactly has contributed to the LDP's return to power? In the years that have passed, the LDP's strength has come from a combination of cash, clientelistic networks, and strong candidates, but recent research has found that Japanese politics has become more programmatic and party-focused. While LDP dominance since its return to power in 2012 can be attributed in part to its candidates, I find that the appeal of the party label has played a large role in securing the LDP's large majorities.
“…This hopeful message did not last long, however, as the ruling LDP started to highlight the nationalist agenda and the normal state identity. As his high approval ratings began to subside, Koizumi turned to “a series of populist strategies to shore up his support” (Kabashima and Steel 2007:79). His focus on “revisionism and heightened nationalism” was amply demonstrated in his repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine 7 against the wishes of Japan’s neighbors, especially South Korea and China (Pempel 2007:113).…”
Section: Japanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The nationalist drive in Japan came amid dramatic changes in its domestic political structure. Traditionally, Japan’s prime ministers had been selected not on the basis of their popularity among the general public, but because of their “effectiveness as intra‐LDP political operatives” (Kabashima and Steel 2007:80). One could become Japan’s prime minister only after a complex, behind‐the‐scene intraparty nomination process for the LDP chairman who would then automatically become prime minister due to the semi‐permanent majority of the LDP in the Japanese Diet.…”
Section: Japanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Prime Minister Koizumi single‐handedly demolished the practice of old politics in Japan. Due to his landslide victory in local primaries, he was able to bypass such processes and “appealed directly to the public with sound‐bite politics” (Kabashima and Steel 2007:80). What came out of this new political development was the increasing “presidentialization” of the Japanese political system (Kabashima and Steel 2007:83).…”
Section: Japanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Due to his landslide victory in local primaries, he was able to bypass such processes and “appealed directly to the public with sound‐bite politics” (Kabashima and Steel 2007:80). What came out of this new political development was the increasing “presidentialization” of the Japanese political system (Kabashima and Steel 2007:83). The dominance of the executive branch and personality‐based politics, signs of incomplete democratic consolidation, were further reinforced by changes in interparty dynamics.…”
Cho, Il Hyun. (2011) Democratic Instability: Democratic Consolidation, National Identity, and Security Dynamics in East Asia. Foreign Policy Analysis, doi: 10.1111/j.1743‐8594.2011.00154.x
During his tenure, President George W. Bush touted the East Asian democratic experience as a positive model for democratization in the Middle East. Contrary to the premise of democracy leading to regional stability, however, East Asian democracies in the past decade have often become a source of regional instability. Based on a comparative analysis of political developments in Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, this paper explores the foreign policy behavior of East Asian democracies and assesses the overall impact on regional security dynamics. Specifically, I argue that incomplete democratic consolidation, combined with the political salience of national identity, sparked a process of acute intergroup competition among domestic political actors. As a result, the foreign policy orientation of the three East Asian democracies became belligerent, thereby unnecessarily increasing regional tensions.
Democratic Party (LDP) on the more moderate Komei Party (Liff & Maeda 2019). Among other things, Abe refrained from visiting Yasukuni Shrine after 2013, negotiated an agreement with South Korea on compensating comfort women in 2015, became the first Japanese prime minister to visit Pearl Harbor in 2016, and pursed diplomatic rapprochement with China (see Chapter 17). After the victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, Abe pursued a "bromance" foreign policy that established himself as one of the president's closest foreign counterparts.Abe orchestrated important shifts that built on long-term evolutionary trends in Japanese security policy (see Chapter 16). These included several major legislative victories: secrecy legislation in 2013 to facilitate greater intelligence sharing; security legislation in 2015 that allows the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) to engage in collective selfdefense under limited circumstances; and anti-terrorism legislation in 2017 that increases the government's domestic surveillance authority. The Abe government reversed a decade-long decline in Japanese defense spending, which reached postwar highs after 2015. The Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, developed by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was embraced by the Trump administration during Abe's tenure, though the substance of FOIP remained somewhat vague and contested (Hosoya 2019).Several of Abe's personal priorities proved elusive. Revision of the Japanese constitution was a long-standing goal for Abe, and his large Diet majorities created an unprecedented opportunity. However, Abe struggled throughout his tenure to galvanize sufficient political and popular enthusiasm for the idea (McElwain 2020). Despite considerable efforts, Abe also ultimately could not make progress on the issue of North Korea abductions of Japanese citizens or conclude a peace treaty with Russia.Abe's government also invited significant controversy. Abenomics reforms came under fire for a variety of shortcomings, such as stagnant consumption growth (Chapter 6), lack of significant inflation despite unprecedented monetary expansion (Chapter 7), and inadequate attention to climate change (Chapter 15). Journalists assailed Abe's heavyhanded approach toward the media, particularly liberal news outlets such as Asahi (Fackler 2016
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