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This progress report is third in a series that examines the causes of segregation and the meaning and measurement of segregation. In this final report, we begin with the premise that ethnic and racial segregation carries tremendous impacts on the groups involved, altering their daily patterns and their future prospects. Yet the types of consequences that result from segregation depend on group dynamics; the social, political, and economic context; and a variety of contingent circumstances. In this essay, we review the recent literature on the outcomes of urban ethnic segregation and focus on some major themes that emerge from the literature. These themes include health and deprivation effects, how segregation can influence the group's employment prospects, how the fact of concentration may alter degrees of tolerance and intolerance, how segregation can augment levels of crime and violence, and finally the extent to which segregation influences the political and civic life of minority groups. [

This paper explores the impact of the spatial context on populations of immigrant descent in French segregated suburbs, focusing on the youth. The phrase "jeunes des banlieues" (suburban youth) has become a whole concept in itself, capturing the variety of challenges raised-and facedby immigrant youth in segregated neighborhoods. Our study was a follow-up to the Trajectories and Origins (TeO) Survey conducted by the French National Institute of Demographic Studies from September 2008 to February 2009. It is based on a series of in-depth interviews and a systematic observation survey about the neighborhood. Our results clearly show that neighborhood matters in how young people experience their school system, their interactions with the police, and the way they perceive themselves and their own environment. Outside perceptions of the neighborhood also shape individual and social identities. Overall, high concentrations of immigrants negatively impact the experience of young people of immigrant descent.

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This paper examines the role of the Minutemen in building up popular pressure for immigration reform and capturing the growing frustration of some of residents at the way the Bush administration is handling immigration in a context of heightened fear about national security. The immigration issue in California had quieted down after anti-immigration proposition 187 was passed –yet never enacted- in 1994. Pete Wilson had unsuccessfully used this divisive issue to win presidential nomination, alienating minority voters in the State and therefore undermining the strength of the Republican party.Despite an apparent growing tolerance about diversity and good economic times, the issue came back to California both through the deterioration of the situation at the border and through the national debate over immigration reform in the mid-2000s. Based on field work at the California-Mexican border, the author gives a portrait of the Minutemen, explaining their motivations, hopes, fears and action which help understand the perceptions and strategies of congressmen and legislators and the fascinating radicalization of their positions on immigration over the past two years

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The city of Oakland, California, was one of the case studies Browning, Marshall and Tabb picked in their book Protest Is not Enough (1984) as a significant example of successful liberal black-and-white coalitions, leading to strong black incorporation. Yet over the past 40 years, the balance of power has dramatically changed in the city of Oakland. After several decades of experience with African-American mayors and changing demographics, we need to reflect on the adequacy of this paradigm in light of the contemporary situation. The city once governed by a black mayor with a majority black city council in a traditional white progressive-black coalition has now become intrinsically multicultural, leading to the election of former Governor Jerry Brown as a Mayor in 1998. Despite Ron Dellums's election in 2006, the black hold and control over the city seems to be more tenuous and fragile than it was 15 years ago. This article raises the question of the future of black urban political power in cities undergoing demographic and political changes. Our main findings are that black urban power in Oakland is still predominantly coalition-based but involves new coalition partners with the demographic growth and the electoral mobilization of Hispanics and Asians. While the black-led coalition still relies on white progressive support, this support has weakened, mostly because of the broadening of the progressives' agenda. Finally, the black community seems less likely to vote on pure identity grounds and seems increasingly inclined to vote along issues and interests.

In November 2019, in the wake of political demonstrations against the regime, Iran managed to selectively cut off most traffic from the global Internet while fully operating its own domestic network. It seemingly confirmed the main hypothesis our research had led us to, based on prior observation of data routing: Iran’s architecture of connectivity enables selective censorship of international traffic. This paper examines, through the case of Iran, how states can leverage the Border Gateway Protocol (BGP) as a tool of geopolitical control and what are the trade-offs they face. This question raises a methodological question that we also address: how the analysis of BGP can infer and document these strategies of territorialization of cyberspace. The Internet is a network of networks where each network is an autonomous system. Autonomous systems (ASes) are independent administrative entities controlled by a variety of actors such as governments, companies and universities. Their administrators have to agree and communicate on the path followed by packets travelling across the Internet, which is made possible by BGP. Agreements between ASes are often confidential but BGP requires neighbouring ASes to interact with each other in order to coordinate routing through the constant release of connectivity update messages. These messages announce the availability (or withdrawal) of a sequence of ASes that can be followed to reach an IP address prefix. In our study, we inferred the structure of Iran's connectivity through the capture and analysis of these BGP announcements. We show how the particularities of Iran's BGP and connectivity structure can enable active measures, such as censorship, both internally and externally throughout the network. We argue that Iran has found a way to reconcile a priori conflicting strategic goals: developing a self-sustaining and resilient domestic Internet, but with tight control at its borders. It thus enables the regime to leverage connectivity as a tool of censorship in the face of social instability and as a tool of regional influence in the context of strategic competition.