Ayurveda is playing a growing part in Europe. Questions regarding the role of religion and spirituality within Ayurveda are discussed widely. Yet, there is little data on the influence of religious and spiritual aspects on its European diffusion. Methods. A survey was conducted with a new questionnaire. It was analysed by calculating frequency variables and testing differences in distributions with the χ 2-Test. Principal Component Analyses with Varimax Rotation were performed. Results. 140 questionnaires were analysed. Researchers found that individual religious and spiritual backgrounds influence attitudes and expectations towards Ayurveda. Statistical relationships were found between religious/spiritual backgrounds and decisions to offer/access Ayurveda. Accessing Ayurveda did not exclude the simultaneous use of modern medicine and CAM. From the majority's perspective Ayurveda is simultaneously a science, medicine, and a spiritual approach. Conclusion. Ayurveda seems to be able to satisfy the individual needs of therapists and patients, despite worldview differences. Ayurvedic concepts are based on anthropologic assumptions including different levels of existence in healing approaches. Thereby, Ayurveda can be seen in accordance with the prerequisites for a Whole Medical System. As a result of this, intimate and individual therapist-patient relationships can emerge. Larger surveys involving bigger participant numbers with fully validated questionnaires are warranted to support these results.

Background: Religiously motivated Bahá'í fasting (BF) is a form of intermittent dry fasting celebrated by abstaining from food and drinks during daylight hours every year in March for 19 consecutive days.Aim: To test the safety and effects of BF on hydration, metabolism, and the circadian clock.Methods: Thirty-four healthy Bahá'í volunteers (15 women) participated in this prospective, exploratory cohort study. Laboratory examinations were carried out in four study visits: before fasting (V0), in the third week of fasting (V1) as well as 3 weeks (V3) and 3 months (V4) after fasting. Data collection included blood and urine samples, anthropometric measurements and bioelectrical impedance analysis. At V0 and V1, 24- and 12-hour urine and serum osmolality were measured. At V0–V2, alterations in the circadian clock phase were monitored in 16 participants. Our study was augmented by an additional survey with 144 healthy Bahá'í volunteers filling out questionnaires and with subgroups attending metabolic measurements (n = 11) and qualitative interviews (n = 13), the results of which will be published separately.Results: Exploratory data analysis revealed that serum osmolality (n = 34, p < 0.001) and 24-hour urine osmolality (n = 34, p = 0.003) decreased during daytime fasting but remained largely within the physiological range and returned to pre-fasting levels during night hours. BMI (body mass index), total body fat mass, and resting metabolic rate decreased during fasting (n = 34, p < 0.001), while body cell mass and body water appeared unchanged. The circadian phase estimated by transcript biomarkers of blood monocytes advanced by 1.1 h (n = 16, p < 0.005) during fasting and returned to pre-fasting values 3 weeks after fasting. Most observed changes were not detectable anymore 3 months after fasting.Conclusions: Results indicate that BF (Bahá'í fasting) is safe, has no negative effects on hydration, can improve fat metabolism and can cause transient phase shifts of circadian rhythms.Trial Registration:https://www.clinicaltrials.gov/, identifier: NCT03443739.

This article is the editors’ introduction to the transcript of a lecture that Harold Garfinkel delivered to a seminar in 1993. Garfinkel extensively discusses the relevance of Aron Gurwitsch’s phenomenological treatment of Gestalt theory for ethnomethodology. Garfinkel uses the term “misreading” to signal a respecification of Gurwitsch’s phenomenological investigations, and particularly his conceptions of contextures, functional significations, and phenomenal fields, so that they become compatible with detailed observations and descriptions of social actions and interactions performed in situ. Garfinkel begins with Gurwitsch’s demonstrations with line drawings and other abstract examples, and suggests how they can be used to suggest original procedures for investigating the vicissitudes of embodied practical actions in the lifeworld. This introduction to the lecture aims to provide some background on the scope of Gurwitsch’s phenomenological critique and elaboration of Gestalt theory and Garfinkel’s “misreading” of it in terms of his own conceptions of indexicality and accountability, and ethnomethodological investigations of the production of social order.

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Background/Objective: Historically, fasting has been practiced not only for medical but also for religious reasons. Bahá’ís follow an annual religious intermittent dry fast of 19 days. We inquired into motivation behind and subjective health impacts of Bahá’í fasting. Methods: A convergent parallel mixed methods design was embedded in a clinical single arm observational study. Semi-structured individual interviews were conducted before (n = 7), during (n = 8), and after fasting (n = 8). Three months after the fasting period, two focus group interviews were conducted (n = 5/n = 3). A total of 146 Bahá’í volunteers answered an online survey at five time points before, during, and after fasting. Results: Fasting was found to play a central role for the religiosity of interviewees, implying changes in daily structures, spending time alone, engaging in religious practices, and experiencing social belonging. Results show an increase in mindfulness and well-being, which were accompanied by behavioural changes and experiences of self-efficacy and inner freedom. Survey scores point to an increase in mindfulness and well-being during fasting, while stress, anxiety, and fatigue decreased. Mindfulness remained elevated even three months after the fast. Conclusion: Bahá’í fasting seems to enhance participants’ mindfulness and well-being, lowering stress levels and reducing fatigue. Some of these effects lasted more than three months after fasting.

Dans les conférences et les écrits des décennies qui ont suivi la publication de Studies in Ethnomethodology [1967], Harold Garfinkel, le fondateur de l'ethnométhodologie, a développé ce qu'il a appelé une « mauvaise lecture » des écrits phénoménologiques d'Aron Gurwitsch, de Maurice Merleau-Ponty et d'autres. La « mauvaise lecture » de Garfinkel comprenait un traitement sélectif et créatif des thèmes que Gurwitsch avait tirés de la psychologie gestaltiste, tels que la figure et le fond, la contexture gestaltiste et le champ phénoménal. Plutôt que d'identifier ces thèmes à la perception visuelle démontrée par des puzzles d'images (par exemple, des animaux cachés dans du feuillage) et des dessins au trait de figures réversibles, Garfinkel les a utilisés pour démontrer des phénomènes praxéologiques et interactionnels : des organisations d'activité incarnée qui constituent des champs d'action collective. Pour Garfinkel, les champs phénoménaux sont formés par un travail corporel effectué de concert avec les actions des autres. Bien que Harvey Sacks, le fondateur de l'analyse de la conversation, n'ait pas mentionné explicitement Gurwitsch, la phénoménologie ou la psychologie gestaltiste dans ses écrits et ses conférences transcrites, certains de ses écrits sur l'organisation séquentielle de la conversation semblaient informés, ne serait-ce qu'indirectement par sa relation avec Garfinkel, par le traitement des phénomènes visuels et auditifs

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