This study was based on in-depth qualitative interviews with 40 francophone Québécois family caregivers of frail elderly or mentally ill relatives and focused on the caregiving relation rather than on the specificities of aging and mental illness. Fourteen factors (love, guilt and duty, women's social identity built around caring, absence of appropriate public or private care alternatives, women's socioeconomic dependence, etc.) emerged from an analysis of informants' accounts of how they came to be the primary caregiver. Data indicate that analyses attempting to understand women's caregiving must take into account the sexual division of labor, its reinforcement through social policy, and how women internalize ideas and norms regarding appropriate gender-role behavior.
Ce texte propose d’utiliser le féminisme postcolonial comme point d’appui pour explorer les discours identitaires à l’oeuvre dans le féminisme québécois. La première partie du texte aborde la génèse du féminisme postcolonial à partir des écrits de Gayatri Spivak, Chandra Talpade Mohanty et Uma Narayan. Dans la seconde partie, l’auteure discute de la figure centrale à l’oeuvre dans le féminisme québécois, marqué au cours des années 60 par le récit politique de l’oppression nationale. Selon son analyse, cet héritage a permis au féminisme québécois d’occulter le difficile exercice d’identifier les rapports de pouvoir entre les femmes de la majorité et les autres femmes.
Ce texte s’intéresse aux travaux féministes récents qui ont porté sur les questions de différence, notamment aux courants de l’analyse intersectionnelle et du féminisme postcolonial. La première partie du texte propose une synthèse des textes canoniques de ces deux courants et fait état des résistances présentes au sein des féminismes de la francophonie à l’endroit d’une analyse décentrée d’un sujet-femme universel. La deuxième partie aborde le projet politique du féminisme postcolonial et montre comment ce genre d’analyse permet de rendre compte de l’influence des legs coloniaux sur les rapports de pouvoir présents au sein des féminismes de la francophonie.
the early front-runner in the 2016 Democratic primary, the United States may join Germany, Brazil, and Argentina as democracies with women as their top leaders. Yet, according to Steven Hill, the alarming reality is that American women are still vastly underrepresented in elected office all across the nation and losing ground when compared to other nations. i In 2014, women held 18.5% of the seats in the U.S. Congress, 20.0% of the seats in the Senate, and 18.2% of the seats in the House of Representatives. The United States ranked eightyfourth in the Inter-Parliamentary Union's (IPU) ranking of women in national parliaments. Thus far, no political party has adopted quotas for the selection of candidates for the House of Representatives or the Senate. Women's representation in the United States Congress is a paradox. By socioeconomic and cultural indicators, conditions in the United States are among the best in the world. Yet comparative studies have consistently shown that women's representation in Congress trails that in other advanced industrial democracies. ii 2 With women representing 25.1% of delegates elected to the House of Commons, as of the May 2011 election, Canada was ranked fifty-fourth by the IPU. Canada has been stagnating between 20 and 25 percent, and fell from 21.1% in 2004 to 20.8% in 2006. In Canada, there is no natural progression in percentages of elected women from one election to the next that would make equality in gender representation in politics an Feminist Interventions in Political Representation in the United States and C...
Les auteures proposent dans leur texte une analyse des cours d'instruction civique mis sur pied par la Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste et donnés aux femmes du Québec de 1921 à 1926. Elles dévoilent le contexte politique et social qui entoure ce projet, ainsi que les modalités et le contenu de tels cours. Deux hypothèses guident leur analyse : selon la première, ces cours sont mis sur pied pour permettre aux femmes du Québec de voter en toute connaissance de cause aux élections fédérales, droit exercé pour la première fois en 1921, parce que ce niveau de gouvernement est perçu comme un véritable enjeu de pouvoir pour les femmes. Selon la seconde hypothèse, ce projet de cours fait partie d’une stratégie en vue d'outiller les femmes pour la politique, de façon à contrecarrer l'un des arguments des opposants au suffrage féminin au niveau provincial, celui de l'ignorance des femmes dans le domaine de la politique.In this text, authors present an analysis of the civic instruction courses that were offered to Québec women by the Saint-Jean-Baptiste National Federation between 1921 and 1926. They explore the social and political context surrounding this project and the course contents. Two hypothesis have structured their analysis: first, these courses were developed to give Québec women the knowledge and expertise necessary to use their newly acquired right to vote in an efficient manner in the federal elections, because this level of government was perceived to be a potentially strategic power base for women. According to the second hypothesis, this project aimed at providing tools and resources to enable women to challenge the widespread preconception of women's ignorance with regard to politics
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