RESUMO: O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as repercussões da austeridade fiscal no Brasil, em especial no campo do financiamento da educação. Para isso, faz-se inicialmente uma discussão conceitual sobre a austeridade, a sua lógica de funcionamento, seus mitos e os interesses velados por trás dessa concepção de política econômica. Em seguida, mostra-se como a austeridade no Brasil é um projeto de longo prazo instituído pela Emenda Constitucional 95 que repercutirá no financiamento da educação pública tanto pela nova regra do mínimo constitucional quanto pela disputa de recursos com outras áreas sociais. E, por fim, apresentam-se os dados orçamentários recentes que mostram os impactos que a austeridade já tem provocado no campo da educação pública.

In this article, by showing that the burden of retrenchment in social spending in Brazil has been overwhelmingly borne by women, we assert that austerity is not gender neutral. Our research investigates the specificities of the gendered impacts of austerity in the country that have rendered Brazilian women structurally more vulnerable to the Covid-19 crisis. We base our argument on a comprehensive literature review summarizing the links between austerity and gender. In the Brazilian case, we explain women’s vulnerability in two main aspects: (1) the direct and indirect gendered impacts of austerity in Brazil since 2015, examining the underfunding of policies prior to the pandemic; (2) the gendered effects of the pandemic on already vulnerable groups, amplified by the underfunded policies and the lack of appropriate measures. We show points of proximity between the existing literature on austerity and gender in the Global North and the urgent, structural Brazilian problems.

Em uma perspectiva multidimensional quanto à desigualdade, o artigo objetiva verificar se a literatura e as bases de dados comumente utilizadas permitem identificar uma democratização do acesso à educação superior entre 2001 e 2015 e se há alguma lacuna nos estudos que analisam o perfil dos estudantes de graduação no período. O artigo é composto por introdução, revisão da literatura, panorama dos principais bancos de dados e pesquisas realizadas sobre o perfil dos estudantes e finaliza identificando possíveis lacunas e agendas de pesquisa futuras. Conclui-se que a literatura aponta uma democratização do perfil dos estudantes, mas falta uma comparação anual dos estudantes do setor público e privado conjuntamente quanto a cor/raça, renda e região, que poderia ser construída a partir da PNAD.

No abstract

INTRODUCTIONEver since 2020 began, governments worldwide have been implementing community, economic and health-related policies to tackle the hurdles resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic. 1,2 These have included financial support packages to encourage investment and maintenance of local business, expanded and strengthened public healthcare and reasonable financial relief programs to socioeconomically vulnerable individuals. [3][4][5][6] However, going against the global trends of continuous health and socioeconomic support to families and individuals experiencing any coronavirus-related impact, recent Brazilian government decisions have negatively affected millions of lives, particularly in impoverished macroregions. [7][8][9][10] Over the last months, several reports in the popular media and editorials have reported on the anti-science discourse and anti-life decisions taken by the Brazilian government leader. [11][12][13][14][15] These decisions included cessation or reduction of the "Emergency Benefit". This has raised poverty and has forcibly led vulnerable individuals to suspend their social distancing measures.Moreover, divisive rhetoric that has exacerbated economic inequality and the caregiving crisis in Brazil has been disseminated. 16,17 Nevertheless, to the extent of our knowledge, no previous reports have combined financial and health-related data from multiple public datasets to analyze the potential effects of decision-makers' measures on general health. Thus, this study outlines, evaluates and combines data from public

No início do século XXI, o Brasil parecia caminhar na contramão mundial ao experimentar redução na desigualdade, enquanto os países desenvolvidos experimentavam um crescimento na desigualdade. Neste artigo, discute-se em que medida este processo de redução das desigualdades ocorreu no início do século XXI (até 2015, pelo menos) e se foi capaz de contrastar com a desigualdade estruturante da sociedade brasileira. Se não há consenso entre os autores – devido a diferentes metodologias adotadas – quanto à queda da desigualdade de renda no período, a literatura indica queda da desigualdade relativa ao acesso de direitos sociais. No entanto, após 2015 a redução das desigualdades - até mesmo no acesso a direitos - parece estar em risco, colocando em questão a real profundidade do processo vivido durante o início do século.

Shaped by inconsistent policy decisions, the COVID‐19 pandemic in Brazil has made structural gender and racial inequalities more acute. Black and low‐income women are overburdened with unpaid domestic work, increased domestic violence, and more vulnerable due to informal and exploitative working regimes. These structural aspects are intensifying, since the pandemic has broadened inequalities at the intersection of gender, race, labor market, and social class. We examine pre‐ and during pandemic inequalities on three dimensions: (a) unpaid domestic and care work, (b) women's labor market participation, and (c) domestic violence. We link the care diamond model and racial stratification forwarding a feminist perspective by examining how the interlocking of race and gender in Brazil renders different socioeconomic dynamics to the detriment of Black and low‐income women. Based on this evidence, we stress that a more equal future requires a better social protection and policies targeting the articulation of gender, race, and class.

This article examines the effects of the flexibilization of working time in terms of gender segmentation in the labor market. It proposes and analyzes eight categories of women’s participation in the labor market and the effects of flexibilization on each of them. By using household survey data and case studies, the research shows that some forms of flexibilization reinforce the sexual division of labor, for example, low pay for precarious, part-time home-based work, and low social status that perpetuate caregiving roles for women in the private realm. Concurrently, forms of flexibilization associated with better pay do not consider the existing sexual division of labor, in that they demand women’s total availability for work, thus impacting their careers and lives negatively. JEL Classification: J01, J16, D63