En los últimos años, los delitos de odio cometidos en España contra la comunidad LGTBI han aumentado progresivamente, como también lo ha hecho la propagación del discurso de odio en los medios de comunicación. En paralelo, diversos parlamentos autonómicos han aprobado leyes dirigidas a erradicar la violencia ejercida contra las personas gais, lesbianas, transexuales, bisexuales e intersexuales. Estas normas RAEIC,

RESUMEN:Los estudios sobre la cobertura periodística de las campañas electorales apuntan a una creciente mediatización. Este trabajo busca corroborar si la tendencia también se da en circunstancias excepcionales, como las de las elecciones autonómicas de Cataluña en 2017. La investigación compara los encuadres presentados por seis periódicos (El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya, Punt Avui y Ara) con los adoptados por los siete partidos políticos representados en el parlamento autonómico (JuntsXCat, ERC, PSC, PP, Ciudadanos, En Comú-Podem y CUP). Los resultados indican que los encuadres simbólicos propios de la acción colectiva dominaron en el mensaje de los partidos, aunque la lógica mediática volvió a ser hegemónica en términos globales.Palabras clave: comunicación política; información política; framing; mediatización; campaña electoral; movilización. ABSTRACT:Research on media coverage of electoral campaigns point to an increasing mediatization. This paper seeks to corroborate whether the trend also takes place in exceptional circumstances, such as those surrounding the regional elections in Catalonia in 2017. The analysis compares the frames observed in six newspapers (El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya, Punt Avui and Ara) with those adopted by the seven political parties represented in the autonomous parliament (JuntsXCat, ERC, PSC, PP, Ciudadanos, En Comú-Podem and CUP). The results indicate that the symbolic frames characteristic of collective action were dominant in the political discourses, although the media logic once again became hegemonic in global terms.

trabajó como redactora en el periódico Levante-EMV (Valencia). Su investigación se centra en los géneros y estilos periodísticos, la calidad periodística y los cibermedios.

Cómo citar este artículo / Referencia normalizadaA Carratalá (2016): "La información en prensa española sobre casos de violencia en parejas del mismo sexo". Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 71, pp. 40 Metodología. El objetivo de este artículo es realizar un análisis de contenido de la información publicada en diversos diarios españoles entre 2010 y 2015. Resultados. Los resultados indican que, mientras que los periodistas han mejorado el tratamiento de la violencia de género, la información de las agresiones en parejas gays evidencia algunas características similares a las que dominaron las noticias sobre violencia contras las mujeres durante los primeros años. Conclusiones. Así, la cobertura episódica, el sensacionalismo y la descripción de los casos como crímenes pasionales señalan que la violencia intragénero no es abordada, por el momento, como un problema social sino más bien como un asunto privado.[EN] Introduction. Spanish media have covered several cases of violence in same-sex couples in recent years. Reporting on this phenomenon raises questions about how to approach a reality that had remained hidden until recently. Method. The aim of this article is to analyse the content of the news stories about same-sex domestic violence published by various Spanish newspapers between 2010 and 2015. Results. The results indicate that, while journalists have improved the treatment of gender-based violence, the news coverage of violence in gay couples exhibits similar features to those that characterised the news coverage of violence against women during the early years.Conclusions. The episodic and sensationalist coverage, as well as the categorisation of cases of violence in same-sex couples as crimes of passion show that intra-gender violence is not addressed, for the time being, as a social problem but rather as a private matter.Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 071 -Páginas 040 a 065[Investigación] |

Este trabajo examina el modo en que el discurso de opinión de la prensa conservadora española emplea frecuentemente símbolos de intenso componente emocional para generar alarma y la movilización de los ciudadanos ante situaciones consideradas injustas. El análisis se realiza sobre las columnas que dos destacados articulistas publicaron entre 2004 y 2008 para opinar sobre la introducción de la asignatura Educación para la Ciudadanía. Los resultados demuestran la presencia de recurrentes dispositivos retóricos con una notable evocación histórica. La potenciación de la amenaza impide el análisis racional y desapasionado que debería distinguir al periodismo de opinión comprometido con la convivencia democrática. This paper examines how the discourse of opinion of the Spanish conservative press frequently uses symbols of intense emotional component to generate alarm and mobilization of citizens faced with situations considered unjust. The analysis is done on two prominent authors' columns published between 2004 and 2008 to discuss the introduction of the subject Education for Citizenship. The results demonstrate the presence of recurrent rhetorical devices with remarkable historical resonance. Promoting the threat prevents rational and dispassionate analysis that should distinguish opinion journalism committed to democratic life.

This paper analyses the context of disinformation in Spain from the perspective of the pseudo-media (i.e., websites that mimic conventional media to offer partisan content based on alternative facts). Using a quantitative (N = 1,143) and qualitative (n = 396) methodology, this research analyses publications from eight Spanish pseudo-media that reach more than 4 million unique users. Results reveal an interest in three topics: vaccination, restrictions and speculation about Covid-19, national politics –focused on criticism against government– and topics related to human rights –mainly LGBTI, gender, immigration– with a total of 58.1% of the content published in four sections (International, Spain, Society, and Economy). The study reveals a growing trend towards polarisation and the use of clickbait techniques in four out of ten headlines. The Internet and social media are the most common sources quoted, while a third of the items lack sources or correspond to opinion pieces. Minorities and vulnerable groups are framed as a social threat, and the presentation of the coalition government as a danger to Spain that must be put to an end, which makes the discourse of these websites in tune with the ideology of the far right wing.

A Carratalá (2016): "Press coverage of same-sex domestic violence cases in Spain". Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 71, pp. 40 Conclusions. The episodic and sensationalist coverage, as well as the categorisation of cases of violence in same-sex couples as crimes of passion show that intra-gender violence is not addressed, for the time being, as a social problem but rather as a private matter.

There is empirical evidence of media influence on parliamentary agenda, especially when media coverage privileges conflict framing of reality and negativity. This article addresses the impact of media presence (traditional and social media) and NGOs on European parliamentary discussions about violent conflicts in the Middle East and their role during phases of escalation and pacification. The authors content analysed 7,633 minutes from debates involving the Syrian (from January 2011 to June 2015) and Israeli-Palestinian (from March 2006 to June 2015) conflicts, from the European Parliament (N = 2,541), the German Bundestag (N = 2,138), the UK House of Commons (N = 2,514) and the French Assemblée Nationale (N = 440). Conflict-related paragraphs were filtered and analysed. Using the multilingual and cross-validated dictionary adapted to conflict and media analysis created by INFOCORE, they measured the presence of media and actors as well as the inclusion of conflict-key concepts within parliamentary discussions. Findings revealed that social media (when compared to traditional media and NGOs) are the main actors quoted