Abstract:132essas manifestações não podem ser compreendidas como movimentos sociais, o artigo examina se, e como, ativistas de Belo Horizonte percebem significados articulados a perpassar suas ações e como compreendem os vínculos a atravessar os ativistas desse processo. Interessa-nos apontar o paradoxal fortalecimento de processos individualizantes na contemporaneidade 2 , evidenciando como esse fenômeno atravessa a percepção sobre o coletivo de ativistas imersos no processo 3 . O artigo está estruturado em três parte… Show more
“…Following the work of Lima (2013), Mendonça (2017), and others, we forward the position that participants in the 2013 protests were not unified in their contentions which represented a plurality of political positions and socio-economic issues. In conceptual terms, these protests present a provocative case of what Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser calls overdetermination .…”
Section: Theorizing Populist Communication: the Channeling Of Overdetmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this early stage, the protests registered a wide variety of contentious demands towards the government, including lowering costs of public transportation, more transparency in public spending, and taking measures to curb law enforcement violence. The movement also began to add a nationalist note to focus on Brazilian domestic issues, as opposed to the spending by the PT for the World Cup and Olympics, which were seen by some in these changing movement declarations as evidence of too much internationalism (Mendonça, 2017). By 2015, public discontent within Brazil had been channeled into a direct call for the impeachment of PT president Dilma Rousseff (who was impeached in 2016); all other demands had withered.…”
When examining the decline of the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores and the ascension of the right-wing extremist Jair Bolsanaro of the far-right Partido Liberal Social to the 2018 presidency, political scientists David Samuels and Cesar Zucco have argued that this shift is best understood not through positive characteristics of Bolsonaro’s candidacy but through antipetismo [‘anti-PT-ism’], an intensely personal resentment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. We assert that popular right-wing Facebook groups and networks formed around the communication network WhatsApp-fueled antipetismo by channeling anger originating in the 2013 nationwide protests away from a variety of social, political, and issues and toward a villainous depiction of Partido dos Trabalhadores leaders and valorization of anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores activists like Bolsanaro, as well as some focus on his own conservative, nationalist agenda. To interrogate this assertion, we propose two specific lines of research. The first is a qualitative textual analysis of the social media accounts of two of the most active anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores groups: Vem Pra Rua and O Movimento Brasil Livre. Through close reading of the materials distributed on these sites, we will illustrate how they channeled general unrest into a specifically partisan attack. The next line of research and case will be an examination of the role of mainstream news networks (namely TV Record) and WhatsApp by those campaigning for recently elected president Bolsonaro for a continued negative campaign against left candidates, specifically the Partido dos Trabalhadores, using fake news items like the supposed ‘gay kit’ that was being circulated in schools by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and others on the left to persuade children to become gay. When possible, we will analyze examples of the materials that were circulated that have emerged in the press coverage and will examine the processes that were used to target and persuade people to forward the materials created for the campaign.
“…Following the work of Lima (2013), Mendonça (2017), and others, we forward the position that participants in the 2013 protests were not unified in their contentions which represented a plurality of political positions and socio-economic issues. In conceptual terms, these protests present a provocative case of what Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser calls overdetermination .…”
Section: Theorizing Populist Communication: the Channeling Of Overdetmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this early stage, the protests registered a wide variety of contentious demands towards the government, including lowering costs of public transportation, more transparency in public spending, and taking measures to curb law enforcement violence. The movement also began to add a nationalist note to focus on Brazilian domestic issues, as opposed to the spending by the PT for the World Cup and Olympics, which were seen by some in these changing movement declarations as evidence of too much internationalism (Mendonça, 2017). By 2015, public discontent within Brazil had been channeled into a direct call for the impeachment of PT president Dilma Rousseff (who was impeached in 2016); all other demands had withered.…”
When examining the decline of the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores and the ascension of the right-wing extremist Jair Bolsanaro of the far-right Partido Liberal Social to the 2018 presidency, political scientists David Samuels and Cesar Zucco have argued that this shift is best understood not through positive characteristics of Bolsonaro’s candidacy but through antipetismo [‘anti-PT-ism’], an intensely personal resentment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. We assert that popular right-wing Facebook groups and networks formed around the communication network WhatsApp-fueled antipetismo by channeling anger originating in the 2013 nationwide protests away from a variety of social, political, and issues and toward a villainous depiction of Partido dos Trabalhadores leaders and valorization of anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores activists like Bolsanaro, as well as some focus on his own conservative, nationalist agenda. To interrogate this assertion, we propose two specific lines of research. The first is a qualitative textual analysis of the social media accounts of two of the most active anti-Partido dos Trabalhadores groups: Vem Pra Rua and O Movimento Brasil Livre. Through close reading of the materials distributed on these sites, we will illustrate how they channeled general unrest into a specifically partisan attack. The next line of research and case will be an examination of the role of mainstream news networks (namely TV Record) and WhatsApp by those campaigning for recently elected president Bolsonaro for a continued negative campaign against left candidates, specifically the Partido dos Trabalhadores, using fake news items like the supposed ‘gay kit’ that was being circulated in schools by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and others on the left to persuade children to become gay. When possible, we will analyze examples of the materials that were circulated that have emerged in the press coverage and will examine the processes that were used to target and persuade people to forward the materials created for the campaign.
“…Muito se discute, na atualidade, se o repertório de confronto político estaria em transformação diante de fenômenos como o cenário de abundância comunicativa (Keane, 2020), a hibridização de dispositivos comunicacionais (Chadwick, 2013), o questionamento de estruturas hierárquicas de organização política (Bennett, Segerberg, 2013;Bimber, Flanagin, Stohl, 2012;Mendonça, 2017) e a forte polarização política (Sunstein, 2017). É nesse contexto que propomos pensar o emprego de fake news como parte do repertório contemporâneo de confronto.…”
Section: Fake News Como Parte Do Repertório De Confronto Contemporâneounclassified
RESUMO Este artigo busca compreender o fenômeno contemporâneo das fake news. Para tanto, parte de uma revisão de literatura acerca da noção, abordando: (1) suas definições; (2) os fatores que explicariam sua onipresença na discussão política contemporânea e as consequências desse processo; (3) os casos mais recorrentemente explorados pela literatura e seu desenvolvimento histórico; (4) os “antídotos” ou soluções propostas para lidar com o fenômeno. Na sequência, o artigo faz uma leitura da noção de fake news pelas lentes do conceito de repertório do confronto político e argumenta como alguns dos antídotos frequentemente imaginados não parecem adequados para lidar com o contexto atual de crise epistêmica.
“…Portanto, essas atividades caracterizam o ambiente online como um espaço com capacidade de chamar atenção para problemas sociais buscando conscientizar outros indivíduos sobre eles e, deste modo, ativar as redes (amigos e família, principalmente) e, em um efeito em cadeia, fazer pressão para resolução dos mesmos (Bennett e Segerberg, 2012;Papacharissi, 2008;Margetts, 2013;Theocharis, 2015;Tufekci, 2014). Por essa lógica própria, as atividades de e-expressão têm sido caracterizadas como altamente individualizadas, não intermediadas por instituições (partidos e sindicatos) e atores coletivos (movimentos sociais) e resistentes à delegação (Bennett e Segerberg, 2012;Mendonça, 2017;Milan, 2015;Mossberger, 2008; Theocharis e Quintelier. 2014; Theocharis, 2015;Tufekci, 2014;Oser, Hooghe e Marien, 2013;Valenzuela, Arriagada e Scherman, 2012).…”
Section: Internet E Participação Políticaunclassified
O artigo trata dos efeitos da internet sobre a forma como os cidadãos latinoamericanos e caribenhos se relacionam com a política. Dialogando com a literatura que aponta para a redução dos custos e para o favorecimento do protagonismo político individual supostamente promovido por essa rede mundial de computadores, analisa o papel que recursos individuais e estruturais desempenham no compartilhamento de conteúdo político por redes sociais nesse contexto regional. Testa principalmente a hipótese de que existe uma interação entre a disponibilidade de acesso nas unidades nacionais e a escolarização (nível individual), com efeitos democratizantes sobre o ativismo político online. Utilizando dados do projeto Barômetro das Américas, aponta que tal interação não é relevante para o aumento do ativismo online.
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