Abstract:When examining the decline of the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores and the ascension of the right-wing extremist Jair Bolsanaro of the far-right Partido Liberal Social to the 2018 presidency, political scientists David Samuels and Cesar Zucco have argued that this shift is best understood not through positive characteristics of Bolsonaro’s candidacy but through antipetismo [‘anti-PT-ism’], an intensely personal resentment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. We assert that popular right-wing Facebook groups and … Show more
“…There has been some work examining media content produced by these individuals, particularly through social media networks (e.g. Romancini and Castilho, 2019;Zanini and Tatagiba, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020), and on surveys conducted during protest episodes (Ortellado, Solano and Moretto, 2016). Few studies (e.g.…”
Section: Methodology: Talking To the Right-wingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Since 2013 however, it has been argued that Brazil has fallen into a growing process of pernicious polarization, manifested by, among other things, a lack of trust of politicians, the dissatisfaction of the left due to the weakening of ties between the PT governments and social movements, and the significance of lulismo and anti-petismo as identity markers. This all facilitated the emergence of Jair Bolsonaro and the resonance of his extreme views among significant portions of the electorate (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020). Consequently, the various demonstrations that have stormed Brazil in the last decade have been interpreted as both triggers and expressions of such pernicious polarization (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020).…”
“…This all facilitated the emergence of Jair Bolsonaro and the resonance of his extreme views among significant portions of the electorate (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020). Consequently, the various demonstrations that have stormed Brazil in the last decade have been interpreted as both triggers and expressions of such pernicious polarization (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020).…”
The last decade has witnessed the development of pernicious polarization in Brazil, partly due to the emergence of right-wing organizations promoting a conservative, populist-nationalist and neoliberal agenda. Despite the attention that this process has received, the viewpoints of individuals who identify themselves as part of the right-wing have been overlooked. This article aims to address this gap, drawing on twenty-one semi-structured interviews with members of right-wing organization Movimento Brasil Livre. By analyzing the interviews through the philosophy of Paulo Freire, we show how these individuals propose a narrative of oppression that echoes in form but not substance Freire’s ideas of conscientization and liberation. We also suggest that a Freirean approach opens new ways to discuss and potentially unlock pernicious polarization, incorporating a significant distinction between sectarians and radicals, with the former unreceptive to criticism and discussion, and the latter defending their positions but open to dialogue and listening.
“…There has been some work examining media content produced by these individuals, particularly through social media networks (e.g. Romancini and Castilho, 2019;Zanini and Tatagiba, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020), and on surveys conducted during protest episodes (Ortellado, Solano and Moretto, 2016). Few studies (e.g.…”
Section: Methodology: Talking To the Right-wingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Since 2013 however, it has been argued that Brazil has fallen into a growing process of pernicious polarization, manifested by, among other things, a lack of trust of politicians, the dissatisfaction of the left due to the weakening of ties between the PT governments and social movements, and the significance of lulismo and anti-petismo as identity markers. This all facilitated the emergence of Jair Bolsonaro and the resonance of his extreme views among significant portions of the electorate (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020). Consequently, the various demonstrations that have stormed Brazil in the last decade have been interpreted as both triggers and expressions of such pernicious polarization (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020).…”
“…This all facilitated the emergence of Jair Bolsonaro and the resonance of his extreme views among significant portions of the electorate (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020). Consequently, the various demonstrations that have stormed Brazil in the last decade have been interpreted as both triggers and expressions of such pernicious polarization (Hunter and Power, 2019;Davis and Straubhaar, 2020).…”
The last decade has witnessed the development of pernicious polarization in Brazil, partly due to the emergence of right-wing organizations promoting a conservative, populist-nationalist and neoliberal agenda. Despite the attention that this process has received, the viewpoints of individuals who identify themselves as part of the right-wing have been overlooked. This article aims to address this gap, drawing on twenty-one semi-structured interviews with members of right-wing organization Movimento Brasil Livre. By analyzing the interviews through the philosophy of Paulo Freire, we show how these individuals propose a narrative of oppression that echoes in form but not substance Freire’s ideas of conscientization and liberation. We also suggest that a Freirean approach opens new ways to discuss and potentially unlock pernicious polarization, incorporating a significant distinction between sectarians and radicals, with the former unreceptive to criticism and discussion, and the latter defending their positions but open to dialogue and listening.
“…More recently, the leader of the country's biggest left-wing party has showcased close ties to communist parties elsewhere (Gazeta do Povo, 2019). As traditional leftists are discredited amid corruption charges, the so-called antipetismo has carried undertones of the old anti-communism (Davis and Straubhaar, 2019).…”
Section: The Fear Of Communism In Brazilmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Tweets trade in stories supposedly extracted from other communist societies to sustain their users' theses against the Workers' Party, as shown below: #Lula wins the elections; #PT starts to implement, finally, communism in the country; #Brazil becomes similar to Venezuela; #Finally the leftist dictatorship is established, like the Brazilian left wing parties 19 June 2018There is communism, there is socialism, and Brazil has created petism. It is such a disgusting, manipulative thing that is inexplicable how we can get along with people without any character 25 October 2018While describing the rise of antipetismo (the movement or sentiment against the party), Davis and Straubhaar (2019) examined the role of social media networks in spreading allegations and conspiracies of this kind. They see the role of liberal movements such as the Movimento Brasil Livre, which has outlived the recent right-wing surge.…”
This research performs a thematic analysis on tweets published during Brazil's 2018 elections that mentioned communism. The idea was to identify the linkages to other underlying themes that emerged during what we saw as the Twitter 'virality of communism' and interpret them considering the backdrop of anti-communist discourses in the country. The results show that political polarisation, distrust of democracy, criticism of the left and praise of militarism and religion are the most recurrent themes. We conclude by situating the virality of the term 'communism' as a process that follows a context of disinformation and hopelessness, but which also relates to the legitimate concerns of Brazilian voters.
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