Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory.

LaFromboise, Teresa D.; Coleman, Hardin L. K.; Gerton, Jennifer L.

doi:10.1037/0033-2909.114.3.395

Cited by 1,772 publications

(1,738 citation statements)

References 108 publications

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“…One potential limitation of the bilingual designs used in both Studies 2 and 3 is that results from these samples may not be generalizable to monolingual Hispanic samples (i.e., immigrants who do not speak any English). Bilingual (and bicultural) individuals may differ from monolingual individuals in particular cognitive and interpersonal characteristics (Laframboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993;Lambert, 1977;Reynolds, 1991). Thus, the mean levels on the Spanish and English BFI and NEO-FFI scales obtained in Studies 2 and 3 may not apply to monolingual Hispanic samples.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Los Cinco Grandes across cultures and ethnic groups: Multitrait-multimethod analyses of the Big Five in Spanish and English.

Benet-Martínez¹,

John²

1998

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

1,304

900

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Spanish-language measures of the Big Five personality dimensions are needed for research on Hispanic minority populations. Three studies were conducted to evaluate a Spanish version of the Big Five Inventory (BFI) (O. P. John et al., 1991) and explore the generalizability of the Big Five factor structure in Latin cultural groups. In Study 1, a cross-cultural design was used to compare the Spanish and English BFI in college students from Spain and the United States, to assess factor congruence across languages, and to test convergence with indigenous Spanish Big Five markers. In Study 2, a bilingual design was used to compare the Spanish and English BFI in a college-educated sample of bilingual Hispanics and to test convergent and discriminant validity across the two languages as well as with the NEO Five Factor Inventory in both English and Spanish. Study 3 replicated the BFI findings from Study 2 in a working-class Hispanic bilingual sample. Results show that (a) the Spanish BFI may serve as an efficient, reliable, and factorially valid measure of the Big Five for research on Spanishspeaking individuals and (b) there is little evidence for substantial cultural differences in personality structure at the broad level of abstraction represented by the Big Five dimensions.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Los Cinco Grandes across cultures and ethnic groups: Multitrait-multimethod analyses of the Big Five in Spanish and English.

Benet-Martínez¹,

John²

1998

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

1,304

900

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show abstract

“…Different combinations of acculturation and enculturation (e.g., biculturalism, high acculturation-low enculturation, low acculturation-high enculturation, low acculturation-low enculturation) may lead to different adaptation experiences, and consequently different prevalence of psychiatric disorders. For example, bicultural individuals (those who have both acculturated to the dominant culture and retained ethnic identity through enculturation) may be able to contend with the demands of both cultures, leading to better mental health (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). Both the acquisition of U.S. cultural norms and values related to acculturation (Lara et al, 2005) and the maintenance of native cultural values, or enculturation, have been hypothesized to be linked to the mental health outcomes of different ethnic groups such as Native Americans, Asians and Latinos (Kim & Ominzo, 2006).…”

Section: Acculturation Enculturation and The Bicultural Model Of Adamentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding differences in past year psychiatric disorders for Latinos living in the US

Alegrı́a

Shrout

Woo

et al. 2007

Social Science & Medicine

220

239

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This study seeks to identify risk factors for psychiatric disorders that may explain differences in nativity effects among adult Latinos in the USA. We evaluate whether factors related to the processes of acculturation and enculturation, immigration factors, family stressors and supports, contextual factors, and social status in the U.S. account for differences in twelve-month prevalence of psychiatric disorders for eight subgroups of Latinos. We report results that differentiate Latino respondents by country of origin and age at immigration (whether they were U.S.-born or arrived before age 6 [IUSC] or whether they arrived after age 6 [LAI]). After age and gender adjustments, LAI Mexicans and IUSC Cubans reported a significantly lower prevalence of depressive disorders than IUSC Mexicans. Once we adjust for differences in family stressors, contextual factors and social status factors, these differences are no longer significant. The risk for anxiety disorders appears no different for LAI Correspondence to: Margarita Alegria. Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptSoc Sci Med. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2008 July 1. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript compared to IUSC Latinos, after age and gender adjustments. For substance use disorders, family factors do not offset the elevated risk of early exposure to neighborhood disadvantage, but coming to the U.S. after age 25 does offset it. Family conflict and burden were consistently related to the risk of mood disorders. Our findings suggest that successful adaptation into the U.S. is a multidimensional process that includes maintenance of family harmony, integration in advantageous U.S. neighborhoods, and positive perceptions of social standing. Our results uncover that nativity may be a less important independent risk factor for current psychiatric morbidity than originally thought.

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“…However, recent reviews have suggested that assimilation is inadequate as a model of the experiences of ethnic minorities in that majority, individualistic culture is likely to contain elements that are viewed as inappropriate in terms of the minority group's own more collectivist cultural frames. Therefore, minority groups may seek to maintain a variety of stances other than an assimilationist one with regard to majority culture (e.g., LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993;Phinney, 1996). This may be particularly true in the ways in which social relations and social obligation are conceptualized (e.g., Patel et al, 1996;Triandis, Kashima, Shimada, & Villareal, 1986).…”

Section: Interplay Between Individualism and Collectivismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural accommodation: Hybridity and the framing of social obligation.

Oyserman¹,

Sakamoto²,

Lauffer³

1998

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

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Implications of cultural accommodation-hybridization were explored within the framework of individualism-collectivism. Individualism highlights the personal and centralizes individuals as the unit of analyses, whereas collectivism highlights the social and contextualizes individuals as parts of connected social units. In 2 experiments, the ways in which individualism, collectivism, and identity salience influence social obligation to diverse others was explored. The authors varied the personal goal interrupted (achievement-pleasure), the target (individual-group), and focus (in-group-larger society) of social obligation within subjects. The authors hypothesized that collectivism would increase obligation to the in-group when identity was made salient; that individualism alone would dampen social obligation; and that cultural accommodation-hybridization (being high in both individualism and collectivism) would increase obligation to larger society. If America works, it will be a place where thousands of cultures express themselves. (Meter, 1987) Although one's everyday choices may appear on the surface to be idiosyncratic-the result of highly personalized goals, desires, and motivations-the field of cultural psychology suggests that these choices may in fact be colored by one's social representations of what it means to be a successful person, a good or moral person, a person of worth (e.g., Kagitcibasi, 1996; Oyserman & Markus, 1993). The ways individuals organize experience, what seems right, natural arid of worth, how individuals make sense of themselves, one's goals and motivations, all importantly depend on the ways these concepts are socially represented both generally within a society and specifi

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Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory.

Cited by 1,772 publications

References 108 publications

Los Cinco Grandes across cultures and ethnic groups: Multitrait-multimethod analyses of the Big Five in Spanish and English.

Los Cinco Grandes across cultures and ethnic groups: Multitrait-multimethod analyses of the Big Five in Spanish and English.

Understanding differences in past year psychiatric disorders for Latinos living in the US

Cultural accommodation: Hybridity and the framing of social obligation.

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