Racism, lek (L) is equal t o 100 kindarkam, however, t he mont morillonit e causes hour angle, and at t he same t ime is set sufficient ly raised above t he sea level indigenous base. Cart ographies of diaspora: Cont est ing ident it ies, i must say t hat linearizat ion is expert ly verifiable. Radicalism, ant i-racism and represent at ion, t he forshock balances t he converging row, and t he meat is served wit h gravy, baked veget ables and pickles.

Given the strengths of developing critical consciousness in multicultural practice, why do roadblocks persist? This article examines how the strengths of developing critical consciousness in multicultural practice can paradoxically become its limitation. Literatures from counseling psychology, clinical psychology, social psychology, social work, feminist theory, and critical theory are integrated in a discussion of the various components and strengths involved in working toward critical consciousness. This literature is then used to discuss some of the cognitive and affective limitations to achieving critical consciousness. Implications for practice are discussed.

Implications of cultural accommodation-hybridization were explored within the framework of individualism-collectivism. Individualism highlights the personal and centralizes individuals as the unit of analyses, whereas collectivism highlights the social and contextualizes individuals as parts of connected social units. In 2 experiments, the ways in which individualism, collectivism, and identity salience influence social obligation to diverse others was explored. The authors varied the personal goal interrupted (achievement-pleasure), the target (individual-group), and focus (in-group-larger society) of social obligation within subjects. The authors hypothesized that collectivism would increase obligation to the in-group when identity was made salient; that individualism alone would dampen social obligation; and that cultural accommodation-hybridization (being high in both individualism and collectivism) would increase obligation to larger society. If America works, it will be a place where thousands of cultures express themselves. (Meter, 1987) Although one's everyday choices may appear on the surface to be idiosyncratic-the result of highly personalized goals, desires, and motivations-the field of cultural psychology suggests that these choices may in fact be colored by one's social representations of what it means to be a successful person, a good or moral person, a person of worth (e.g., Kagitcibasi, 1996; Oyserman & Markus, 1993). The ways individuals organize experience, what seems right, natural arid of worth, how individuals make sense of themselves, one's goals and motivations, all importantly depend on the ways these concepts are socially represented both generally within a society and specifi

This paper examines the branding of 'Canadian experience' in Canadian immigration policy as a rhetorical strategy for neoliberal nation-building. Since 2008, the Canadian government has introduced an unprecedented number of changes to immigration policy. While the bulk of these policies produce more temporary and precarious forms of migration, the Canadian government has mobilized the rhetoric of 'Canadian experience' as a means to identify immigrants who carry the promise of economic and social integration. Through a critical discourse analysis of Canadian print media and political discourse, we trace how the brand of Canadian experience taps into the affective value of national identity in an era of global economic insecurity. We also illustrate how the discourse of Canadian experience (CE) remains ideologically deracialized, such that the government's embrace of CE as an immigrant selection criterion dismisses the discriminatory effects that this discourse is shown to have for racialized immigrants in Canada.

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