Abstract:Resumo: Este artigo analisa o papel dos deputados da Renovação Carismática Católica no processo de impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. A intenção é mostrar as formas de engajamentos e as justificações utilizadas por aqueles deputados. Para tanto, vamos situar suas posições dentro do contexto no qual atuaram, procurando compreender seus engajamentos nas arenas públicas formadas com base na situação problemática do impedimento da presidenta. Com isso, espera-se contribuir com o debate sobre o lugar das denominações r… Show more
“…Here, too, we have a situation of multiple hegemonies: the hegemony of bureaucracy and the ideas of charismatics from São Paulo, the hegemony of the conservative-moralist discourse, the hegemony of the white and middle classes, and the hegemony of political engagement in a cultural war. This is what we can think of articulating and crossing ideas, data, and information by Oliveira (1978), Pierucci ( 1987 ), Machado ( 1996 ), Prandi ( 1997 ), Carranza ( 2000 ), Reis ( 2011 ), and Procópio (2014, 2019 ). They were members of the charismatic movement in São Paulo and the middle class who supported President Collor de Mello and against his impeachment process (1992) and the governments and candidates of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), distrust and opposition to the governments of left (Lula and Dilma, between 2002 and 2016), judge Sérgio Moro’s campaign, and the declared and enthusiastic support for Jair Bolsonaro’s campaign in 2018.…”
Section: New Facets Of Contemporary Brazilian Catholic Traditionalismmentioning
confidence: 73%
“…The movement expanded and arrived in Brazil between 1969 and 1970 in the region of Campinas, São Paulo, during the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985) and became one of the greatest forces of Brazilian Catholicism, building a wide structure. Initially, it was organized into prayer groups and life and covenant communities but always based on the Catholic ecclesial structure (parishes, dioceses, priestly hierarchy) but at the same time creating organizational instances (councils, associations, ministries) (Prandi 1997 ; Carranza 2000 ; Silveira 2008a , b ; Procópio 2012, 2019 ).…”
Section: New Facets Of Contemporary Brazilian Catholic Traditionalismmentioning
The Roman Catholic Church in Latin America was crossed by numerous currents of political thought in the mid-twentieth century and early twenty-first century. A pivotal moment for the reconfiguration of the Catholic structure took place in the 1960s, with the movement of distension with modern values carried out by the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965). From then onwards, we see the resurgence of movements more to the right, anti-modern in value, although they are present in modernity. What ideas and values are the symbolic vertebrae of these Catholic movements that see Catholic tradition as a stronghold under attack? The article intends to explore the hypothesis that these traditionalist movements and groups that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century, especially in conflict with the directives of Vatican II, have values and ideas loaded with religious pessimism and political reactionarism and reflect the complex relationships between Catholicism and modernity. Based on research in primary and secondary documental sources located in the historical-sociological epistemological horizon, it is intended to present an overview of these groups, some of them more institutionalized, others more diffuse, their distinct origins, and their convergence towards a religiously traditionalist perspective while it is politically reactionary.
“…Here, too, we have a situation of multiple hegemonies: the hegemony of bureaucracy and the ideas of charismatics from São Paulo, the hegemony of the conservative-moralist discourse, the hegemony of the white and middle classes, and the hegemony of political engagement in a cultural war. This is what we can think of articulating and crossing ideas, data, and information by Oliveira (1978), Pierucci ( 1987 ), Machado ( 1996 ), Prandi ( 1997 ), Carranza ( 2000 ), Reis ( 2011 ), and Procópio (2014, 2019 ). They were members of the charismatic movement in São Paulo and the middle class who supported President Collor de Mello and against his impeachment process (1992) and the governments and candidates of the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), distrust and opposition to the governments of left (Lula and Dilma, between 2002 and 2016), judge Sérgio Moro’s campaign, and the declared and enthusiastic support for Jair Bolsonaro’s campaign in 2018.…”
Section: New Facets Of Contemporary Brazilian Catholic Traditionalismmentioning
confidence: 73%
“…The movement expanded and arrived in Brazil between 1969 and 1970 in the region of Campinas, São Paulo, during the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985) and became one of the greatest forces of Brazilian Catholicism, building a wide structure. Initially, it was organized into prayer groups and life and covenant communities but always based on the Catholic ecclesial structure (parishes, dioceses, priestly hierarchy) but at the same time creating organizational instances (councils, associations, ministries) (Prandi 1997 ; Carranza 2000 ; Silveira 2008a , b ; Procópio 2012, 2019 ).…”
Section: New Facets Of Contemporary Brazilian Catholic Traditionalismmentioning
The Roman Catholic Church in Latin America was crossed by numerous currents of political thought in the mid-twentieth century and early twenty-first century. A pivotal moment for the reconfiguration of the Catholic structure took place in the 1960s, with the movement of distension with modern values carried out by the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965). From then onwards, we see the resurgence of movements more to the right, anti-modern in value, although they are present in modernity. What ideas and values are the symbolic vertebrae of these Catholic movements that see Catholic tradition as a stronghold under attack? The article intends to explore the hypothesis that these traditionalist movements and groups that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century, especially in conflict with the directives of Vatican II, have values and ideas loaded with religious pessimism and political reactionarism and reflect the complex relationships between Catholicism and modernity. Based on research in primary and secondary documental sources located in the historical-sociological epistemological horizon, it is intended to present an overview of these groups, some of them more institutionalized, others more diffuse, their distinct origins, and their convergence towards a religiously traditionalist perspective while it is politically reactionary.
“…Colaboram para isso dois fatos, sobretudo: o esvaziamento da mídia tradicional como ator político importante nas disputas eleitorais, como havia sido até então, e a propagação em massa das chamadas fake news. O esvaziamento do protagonismo da mídia tradicional como "formadora de opinião" (papel ocupado exitosamente nas eleições anteriores)deveu-se a dois fatos, ambos protagonizados pela campanha de Bolsonaro: primeiro, com o episódio da facada, o candidato afastou-15 Apesar disso, uma análise distinta das posições da referida Comunidade pode ser encontrada em Procópio (2019). Nesse texto, o autor analisa o discurso de votação de 4 parlamentares com relações com a RCC no processo de impedimento da ex-presidente Dilma Rousseff(PT) e, quando chega ao caso do deputado mineiro Eros Biondini (PROS), que votara elencando o nome da Comunidade Canção Nova, pondera que muitos comentários, no site da Comunidade, opuseram-se ao voto do deputado, que não expressaria a comunidade.…”
Section: A Eleição "Na Palma Da Mão": O Fenômeno Das Fakes News No Pl...unclassified
O presente artigo apresenta uma análise de imagens compartilhadas em redes sociais de grupos ligados à Renovação Carismática Católica (RCC), durante o pleito de 2018, que disseminaram fake news em relação à candidatura de Fernando Haddad (PT) à Presidência da República. Partindo da contextualização da disputa, analisa-se os marcadores religiosos presentes na semântica da disputa ênfase ao caráter marcadamente religioso no qual a disputa, destacando o apoio explícito de lideranças religiosas ao candidato do PSL, Jair Bolsonaro, sejam elas evangélicas ou católicas carismáticas, compreendendo tais marcadores a partir dos desdobramentos recentes da participação mais efetiva de atores do campo religioso na política, sobretudo em disputas eleitorais. O trabalho analisa o conteúdo e a de elementos imagéticos compartilhados em redes sociais (facebook sobretudo) que mobilizaram uma “antimilitância religiosa” contra a candidatura petista (o que exigiu uma análise do “antipetismo” como traço fundamental da disputa), por meio de imagens fakes, inexistindo o cuidado com o apuro do conteúdo visualizado, mesmo quando este beirava o grotesco, exigindo uma compreensão do lugar da verdade em temporalidades digitais. Por meio de análise de conteúdo e de imagem, poder-se-á observar os principais elementos mobilizados a partir do imaginário cristão que balizaram o apoio de católicos carismáticos à Bolsonaro, problematizando-os à luz do slogan religioso escolhido pelo candidato para lema de sua campanha: “conhecereis a verdade e a verdade vos libertará”, retirado de um versículo bíblico.
Ao contrário do que previam os teóricos do secularismo, a esfera pública tem, ao longo do último século, estreitado laços com a esfera religiosa. Na América Latina, atores e discursos religiosos, seja com finalidade de mobilizar o eleitorado, seja para defesa de interesses de grupos religiosos, têm se tornado constantes na arena política. Tema muito discutido principalmente na mídia, ainda são poucos os trabalhos sobre a complexa relação entre religião e política. Este dossiê tem por objetivo contribuir com a temática ao reunir estudos que explorem a relação entre política e religião em diferentes arenas, tais como: eleitoral, legislativa e partidária. Sendo assim, convidamos autores a discutir sobre i) a inserção e atuação de diferentes grupos religiosos na arena legislativa; ii) a relação entre partidos políticos e igrejas; iii) a relação entre grupos religiosos, eleições e igrejas como máquinas eleitorais. Discussões teóricas e metodológicas que colaborem com esta temática são bem vindas.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.