Garantia de renda mínima para erradicar a pobreza: o debate e a experiência brasileiros

Abstract

79BRASIL ACABA de deixar a posição desconfortável de campeão de desigualdades econômica e social. Em 1995 e em 1996, o World Development Report, publicado pelo Banco Mundial, apontou o Brasil como o país com o mais alto índice de Gini: 63,4, de acordo com dados de 1989. A distribuição percentual de renda dos 10% mais ricos foi de 51,3% do PIB, enquanto essa mesma distribuição mostra que os 40% mais pobres possuem apenas 7%. Em nenhum outro país, dentre os 85 para os quais os dados se encontram disponíveis, os 10% mais ricos recebiam mais de 50% do PIB. Em nenhum outro país, os 40% mais pobres recebiam tão pouco como no Brasil. Guatemala com 59,6% (1989) e a África do Sul com 58,4% (1993) estavam na segunda e terceira piores colocações. Se consideramos, porém, informação mais recente -para 1993 e 1995 -do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), o índice de Gini melhorou para 60,3 e 59,2, respectivamente.

Democracy and new ideas in Latin American social policy: the origins of conditional cash transfers in Brazil and Mexico

“…During those years the country was experiencing the effects of several economic crisis, but also was undergoing important processes of democratisation and political liberalisation. In Brasilia the programme was called Bolsa-Escola and was introduced in January of 1995, by the government of the leftist Workers' Party (PT) led by Governor Cristovam Buarque (Lindert, Linder, Hobbs, & De la Brière, 2007;Pinheiro do Nascimiento & Aguiar, 2006;Suplicy & Buarque, 1997). The programme targeted families with a per capita income of less than one half the minimum wage, who had children between 7 and 14 years of age, the compulsory years of public education in the country, and who had resided in the Federal District for at least five years.…”

“…The objectives were to raise education levels of the poor by guaranteeing registration and attendance. It was complemented by Poupança-Escola, which deposited in a bank account one minimum wage per year for each child of beneficiary families, of which a percentage could be withdrawn after passing certain school grades (Buarque, 2013;Pinheiro do Nascimiento & Aguiar, 2006;Suplicy & Buarque, 1997).…”

“…In Campinas the programme was called Programme to Guarantee a Minimum Family Income (PGRFM), it was also introduced in January of 1995, by the government of the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB) led by Mayor José Roberto Magalhães Teixeira ( Lindert et al, 2007;Suplicy & Buarque, 1997). The programme targeted families with children up to 14 years old, with a per capita income of less than half the minimum wage, who had resided in the municipality for at least the two previous years.…”

“…Beneficiary families had to comply with regular school attendance, health check-ups of children, participation in family planning sessions and meetings with social workers. The objective was to guarantee the intellectual formation of children to provide them with the instruments that could help them break the reproduction cycle of poverty (Fonseca & Montali, 1996;Suplicy & Buarque, 1997).…”

Imagens e narrativas do Bolsa Família: análise da retórica da grande imprensa

“…OESP stands out as the media outlet which most emphasizes the need for public policies which value "work and meritocracy" to the detriment of income transfers. The newspaper did not mention, however, that historically one of the great proponents of the minimum wage paradigm was Milton Friedman, an orthodox economist, (Suplicy & Buarque, 1997), with objectives distinct from those of the BFP.…”