The PTEN tumour suppressor and pro-apoptotic gene is frequently mutated in human cancers. We show that PTEN transcription is upregulated by Egr-1 after irradiation in wild-type, but not egr-1-/-, mice in vivo. We found that Egr-1 specifically binds to the PTEN 5' untranslated region, which contains a functional GCGGCGGCG Egr-1-binding site. Inducing Egr-1 by exposing cells to ultraviolet light upregulates expression of PTEN messenger RNA and protein, and leads to apoptosis. egr-1-/- cells, which cannot upregulate PTEN expression after irradiation, are resistant to ultraviolet-light-induced apoptosis. Therefore, Egr-1 can directly regulate PTEN, triggering the initial step in this apoptotic pathway. Loss of Egr-1 expression, which often occurs in human cancers, could deregulate the PTEN gene and contribute to the radiation resistance of some cancer cells.

Recent studies are reviewed indicating that the transcription factor early growth response-1 (Egr1) is a direct regulator of multiple tumor suppressors including TGFb1, PTEN, p53, and fibronectin. The downstream pathways of these factors display multiple nodes of interaction with each other, suggesting the existence of a functional network of suppressor factors that serve to maintain normal growth regulation and resist the emergence of transformed variants. Paradoxically, Egr1 is oncogenic in prostate cancer. In the majority of these cancers, PTEN or p53 is inactive. It is suggested that these defects in the suppressor network allow for the unopposed induction of TGFb1 and fibronectin, which favor transformation and survival of prostate tumor epithelial cells, and explain the role of Egr1 in prostate cancer. Egr1 is a novel and logical target for intervention by gene therapy methods, and targeting methods are discussed.

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This chapter argues that nationalism is the master concept of the radical right. It posits that the radical right’s nationalism is different from that of the mainstream right in its radicalism (or far-reaching and fundamental nature), its obsession with the dominance of the main ethnic group, and its longing for homogeneous nations and states. In addition, this nationalism is often populist in tone; it is indebted to direct rather than representative variants of democracy; and in some cases it is ambiguous about its relationship to fascism, Nazism, collaborationist regimes, or the Holocaust. In short, without ethnic nationalism as its master concept, the radical right’s thinkers, political parties, and movements would lack a stable anchor.

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Born in 1968, the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) is a 'cultural school of thought'. It created a sophisticated European-wide political culture of the revolutionary right in an anti-fascist age; it helped to nurture the discourse of 'political correctness' among extreme right-wing political parties, and turned former French ultra-nationalists into pan-Europeanists seeking to smash the egalitarian heritage of 1789. Bar-On argues that the ND world-view has been shaped by transnational influences and that the ND has, in turn, shaped a decidedly more right-wing political culture in Europe in a transnational spirit. The transnational impact of ND ideas is a product of three key factors: first, the intellectual output and prestige of ND leader Alain de Benoist; second, the 'right-wing Gramscianism' of the ND's pan-European project that mimicked earlier attempts to unite interwar fascists and post-war neofascists into the revolutionary right; and, finally, the political space opened up by the decline of the European left after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Bar-On concludes by considering the influence of the ND on contemporary European politics, as well as the implications for the struggles against racism and the extreme right.

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