Rethinking the French New Right

Bar-On, Tamir

doi:10.4324/9780203383582

Cited by 30 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…This largely corresponds to the Nouvelle Droite’s intellectual proximity to Russian Eurasianism and its key intellectual exponent, Alexander Dugin; it also corresponds to the interest of some of its intellectual predecessors in Eastern mystical beliefs (Sufism being the most important of them). However, the initial rapprochement between de Benoist and Russian circles ended in the 1990s, when de Benoist declared himself to be ‘disturbed by the crude imperialism and Jacobinism of the vast majority of the so-called [Russian] “patriots”’ (Bar-On, 2013: 202). At the same time, the relationship between political forces nevertheless intensified, with Russian authorities suspected of fomenting an ‘Internationale’ of far-right forces (Shekhovtsov 2017: 45).…”

Section: On Similarities and Differences In Global Right Public Philo...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Two Faces of the ‘Global Right’: Revolutionary Conservatives and National-Conservatives

Varga

Buzogány

2021

Critical Sociology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Studies of the Global Right usually trace its intellectual underpinnings to the revolutionary conservative New Right and its ideas claiming to defend an ‘ethno-pluralist’ European identity from the multiculturalist threat of a ‘Great Replacement’ through immigration. A second lineage, which we refer to as ‘national-conservative’, is less explored and is more concerned with threats to moral order and the loss of moral bearing due to liberalism’s relativism. These two intellectual lineages, and corresponding political alignments, engender different political projects of the Global Right, which is not that coherent as it seems. Taking a long-term historical-ideational perspective that underlines the power of ideologies as templates, we argue that a closer look at the different intellectual traditions of the Global Right can help explain the contrasting political preferences for socio-economic action, institution-building and transnational cooperation.

show abstract

Section: On Similarities and Differences In Global Right Public Philo...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Two Faces of the ‘Global Right’: Revolutionary Conservatives and National-Conservatives

Varga

Buzogány

2021

Critical Sociology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…This characterization of the New Right’s intellectualization strategy as a bridge beyond Left and Right is naïve and profoundly misleading (see also Bar-On, 2013; Griffin, 2000). For at the heart of this left-inspired objective lies a systematic effort to disseminate the quintessentially right-wing ideas and visions of some of the most unambiguously conservative figures in the history of Western political thought.…”

Section: Gramsci For the Right?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 2. Early analytical overviews include Carofiglio and Ferrandes (1986), Duranton-Grabol (1988), and Taguieff (1984). For later studies in the English language see Bar-On (2013), Griffin (2000), and Spektorowski (2003). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

From critique to reaction: The new right, critical theory and international relations

Drolet

Williams

2021

Journal of International Political Theory

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Across the globe, radical conservative political forces and ideas are influencing and even transforming the landscape of international politics. Yet IR is remarkably ill-equipped to understand and engage these new challenges. Unlike political theory or domestic political analyses, conservatism has no distinctive place in the fields’ defining alternatives of realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism. This paper seeks to provide a point of entry for such engagement by bringing together what may seem the most unlikely of partners: critical theory and the New Right. Important parts of today’s New Right represent self-conscious appropriations of Critical themes and thinkers—turning them to self-declared “reactionary” ends. Developing outside the confines of the academy, these forms of thought have woven insights from across Critical theory into new and mobilizing forms of conservative ideology, seeking to link that ideology to social forces that play increasingly active roles in global politics. Our intention here is not to somehow blame Critical perspectives for the ideas of the New Right, either directly or by association. Rather, we seek to show how an engagement with Critical theory helps us understand the New Right, while also demonstrating some of the direct challenges the New Right poses for critical perspectives.

show abstract

“…Nor is it the first time that EU cultural politics – a hub of diverse national and inter-institutional interests – converge around heritage at a time of crisis. A more recent development and cause of concern, however, is the rival use of these concepts by Europe’s increasingly connected far-right; not in support of the EU or as a base for a shared identity, but as an acceptable extension of ethno-nationalist belonging in opposition to non-western immigration (Bar-On, 2013; Holmes, 2000; Liang, 2007). While catchphrases such as ‘Europe for Europeans’ echo through the European Parliament, the externalisation of EU borders is turning ‘Fortress Europe’ into more of a reality than ever (Zaiotti, 2016).…”

Section: Heritage: the New Soul Of Europe?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Racialised national discourses of belonging are compatible with a Europe of nation states if perceived as an extended cultural club. The nation becomes a battleground where ‘native’ populations face extinction unless they fight back (Lööw, 2015), and in this cultural struggle, amity can be extended to ‘native Europeans’ (Bar-On, 2013: 138–139). As highlighted by Gustafsson and Karlsson (2011) in relation to the xenophobic party Sweden Democrats, a great worry and embarrassment facing the heritage domain today is that such groups tend to support our work, becoming unwanted allies in lobbying for heritage protection.…”

Section: Concluding Reflections: the Janus-face Of European Heritagementioning

confidence: 99%

The Janus-face of European heritage: Revisiting the rhetoric of Europe-making in EU cultural politics

Niklasson

2017

Journal of Social Archaeology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Heritage sites and their stewards have been part of the project of European integration since the 1970s. Countless actions involving conservation, research and public outreach has been granted EU funding based on the ‘European significance’ of monuments and sites or the ‘European added value’ of project activities. This article argues that out of the long relationship between EU cultural politics and the domain of tangible heritage, there has grown a parallel approach to European belonging. By tracing acts of Europe-making in political statements used to justify financial support, and discussing their effect on co-funded archaeological projects, a Janus-face is identified. One side places authority in the past, articulating a European commonality through site characteristics or time periods. The other places authority in the present, promoting a more flexible understanding of heritage. Since the EU has increasingly (and unwillingly) come to share the rhetorical figure of ‘European heritage’ with anti-immigration groups calling for solidarity among ‘native Europeans’, the question of which side takes precedence is of great consequence.

show abstract

Rethinking the French New Right

Cited by 30 publications

References 0 publications

The Two Faces of the ‘Global Right’: Revolutionary Conservatives and National-Conservatives

The Two Faces of the ‘Global Right’: Revolutionary Conservatives and National-Conservatives

From critique to reaction: The new right, critical theory and international relations

The Janus-face of European heritage: Revisiting the rhetoric of Europe-making in EU cultural politics

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About