In Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.
Abstract:The recent refugee crisis in Europe has become a prominent human security issues that continues to receive international attention. The main debate has been on the accommodation of refugees in European countries and the issues that arise from the sudden influx of people into those countries. Camps were established with limited time and information to prepare, leading to issues within these temporary living arrangements. Conditions are worse for women refugees, who suffer similarly to the men but have higher rates of insecurity. This paper attempts to argue for greater protection for women refugees. To do so, it will describe women refugees' conditions and needs and relate them to an enforced moral responsibility. It argues for more attention to be given to women refugees with specific conditions, those who have been marginalized in most refugee policies. The main argument is that better protection for and empowerment of women refugees is urgently needed due to their own conditions and needs alongside the moral obligations to take care of children and the elderly. To do so, policies have to consult the specific needs of women. An important step towards this effort is to develop further and more detailed classification of women and their specific needs: women refugees' needs are not merely determined by their own conditions but also the conditions of those they are responsible for.
ASEAN member countries are migrant-sending and receiving countries. Around 7.3 million ASEAN citizens are migrant workers, more than 740 thousand refugees are from Myanmar, and many ASEAN citizens are victims of human trafficking. Frequently, these migrants get discriminatory treatment, which makes them unable to fulfill their human rights. ASEAN, as a regional organization, is an actor that can implement migration governance in the region. As a governance institution, ASEAN has several migration instruments relating to human trafficking and migrant workers. To implement this regional instrument, ASEAN forms bodies that function to encourage and protect migrant rights. The Rohingya people from Myanmar still experiences forced migration and displacement. However, ASEAN still does not have a comprehensive instrument that can be a source of regional governance toward the issue. This paper will discuss the prospects of ASEAN migration governance in resolving migration issues in the region.
The main purpose of this study is to determine whether remittance-receiving households in Indonesia have truly experienced a measurable increase in their welfare. It focuses on how social capital may enhance the efforts of Indonesia’s female migrant workers to improve their and their family’s welfare at home. Our findings confirm that social capital enhances the impact of remittances by increasing the welfare of the migrant workers and their immediate family members. Remittance-receiving households with strong and wide-ranging social capital tend to use the extra income from remittances more for investment. In turn, this generates future income, which boosts the impacts of their remittances on their overall welfare.
This paper is concerned with two main issues, Indonesian women workingabroad in the informal sector, mostly as domestic workers and the potentialsof other women stakeholders in addressing issues faced by women migrantworkers. This paper is written based on the assumption that an identificationof potential women at various levels and institutions may contribute to thesearch for solutions for the problems faced by the women migrant workersand that women should be seen as active actors that may contribute to theproblem solving. The identification in this paper has been able to identify theexistence of a number of prominent women migrant workers advocates, arguefor their existence in various parts within the labour migration system toguarantee a protected migration for women labour, and suggest for thewidening of the scope and activism of these women migrant workersadvocates, in line with their movements across institutions.
Labour migration is one of the forms of international migration, which according to Martin (2013) is motivated by demographic and economic inequalities, as well as communication, transportation and human rights revolutions (Martin, 2013). Martin pointed out how the high demographic growth tends to occur in 170 poorer countries, while the demography in wealthier countries tends to grow slower. Economically, wealth is more concentrated in countries with smaller population. This is believed to be the reasons for people to work abroad where wages are higher, AbstrakAnalisa tentang mengapa seseorang bermigrasi untuk bekerja di negara lain umumnya dilakukan melalui pencarian dan pendeskripsian faktor-faktor "push" dan "pull", di mana pendapatan rendah dan pengangguran yang tinggi menjadi faktor pendorong dan pendapatan tinggi dan pengangguran yang rendah menjadi faktor penarik. Ini dapat digunakan untuk menjelaskan alasan umum bagi migrasi tenaga kerja yang bersifat sementara namun tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan lebih lanjut mengapa seseorang memutuskan bermigrasi ke suatu negara dan bukan ke negara lainnya. Inilah yang dihadapi Indonesia dan Korea Selatan. Walaupun masih banyak orang yang mencari pekerjaan di Indonesia dan Korea Selatan masih membutuhkan pekerja asing, jumlah orang Indonesia yang bekerja di kategorikan kecil bila dibandingkan dengan jumlah di negara penerima lainnya di kawasan seperti Malaysia, Singapura, Hong Kong dan Thailand. Asumsinya terdapat sejumlah faktor yang menghalangi terwujudnya dampak maksimum dari faktor pendorong dan penarik ini. Tulisan ini menganalisa faktor-faktor penghambat tersebut, terutama terkait dengan tingginya persyaratan yang ditetapkan oleh Korea Selatan dan keterbatasan kemampuan untuk memenuhi persyaratan ini dari sisi Indonesia. Pemahaman tentang faktor-faktor penghambat ini akan dapat berkontribusi bagi upaya meningkatkan jumlah pekerja Indonesia di Korea Selatan, yang dapat dianggap sebagai negara yang cukup aman untuk tempat bekerja. Kata Kunci: Migrasi tenaga kerja, faktor tarik ulur, program G to G, Pekerja Indonesia. AbstractAn analysis of why people migrate to work in another country is commonly conducted through a listing and description of the push and pull factors, with low income and high unemployment being the push factors and high income and low unemployment being the pull factors. It can be used to explain in general the reasons for temporary labour migration but not to explain why people choose to migrate to a certain country, instead of the others. This is the case of South Korea and Indonesia. There is still a number of Indonesian workers seeking for employment abroad, and there is also a high demand for foreign workers in South Korea. However, the number of Indonesians working in South Korea can still be considered small if compared to the numbers of Indonesians working in other countries in the region, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The assumption is that there are factors that hinder maximum impacts of this push and pull factors....
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