The Prospect of ASEAN Migration Governance

Yazid, Sylvia; Septiyana, Iyan

doi:10.14203/jissh.v9i2.155

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…This point is highlighted in the literature on migration in ASEAN. Scholars, such as Yazid and Septiyana (2019) and Searle and Koff (2021), have noted that ASEAN's governance system for migration is incomplete because it focuses on explicit abuses, such as human trafficking and it promotes high‐skilled migration, but it does not necessarily regulate low‐skilled migration where many women participate as a result of the feminization processes described above. This observation is further highlighted by Kaur (2018), who argues that ASEAN does not properly address foreign labour‐recruitment mechanisms, nor does it properly tackle exploitation and vulnerability of migrant workers, especially foreign domestic workers, who often experience frequent breaches of contract and fraudulent practices.…”

Section: Female Migration In Asean: a Normative Pcd Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Normative coherence for development and regionalism: Gender equality in ASEAN's migration policies

Häbel¹,

Koff

Adam

2022

Development Policy Review

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Summary Motivation The United Nations 2030 Agenda recognizes regions as important actors in implementing the sustainable development agenda. At the same time, regions are often criticized for lacking effective implementation, especially in relation to gender equality. Purpose This study examines whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) implements its global commitment to gender equality at a regional level. Methods and approach We apply qualitative analysis of key ASEAN documents in order to determine how gender equality is implemented regionally. We particularly focus on frameworks related to female migrant workers in ASEAN. Findings The analysis shows that ASEAN is formally committed to improving gender equality at a regional level, however, female migrants often end up in unfavourable conditions and precarious work relationships without any institutionalized protection because ASEAN's gender equality initiatives are largely concentrated in the Cultural Community and absent from the Economic Community, indicating an absence of normative coherence for development with regard to gender equality. Policy implications This limited impact of emerging regional commitments to gender equality arises from incoherences in ASEAN's normative governance framework which undermine normative coherence for development at the regional level.

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Section: Female Migration In Asean: a Normative Pcd Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Normative coherence for development and regionalism: Gender equality in ASEAN's migration policies

Häbel¹,

Koff

Adam

2022

Development Policy Review

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“…Many migrant laborers in the region were hired by private intermediaries that often demanded money for their services from the migrants. Also, ASEAN migrant workers were predominantly women, because, on the demand side, female job profiles, such as nurses, domestic servants, caregivers, and hotel services prevailed (Yazid & Septiyana 2019). In the beginning, ASEAN"s migrant labor policy was governed by its neo-liberal economic orientation to complement its open trade and investment strategy, for example by encouraging services trade.…”

Section: Migration and Asean -African Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

ASEAN and African relations: towards a renewed partnership?

Kohnert¹

2021

Preprint

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& RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : The ASEAN summit of October 2021 showed the increased geopolitical importance of the Indo-Pacific realm. Today ASEAN is the most successful regional organization in Asia and the second largest worldwide behind the EU. The establishment of the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP) more than 15 years before (2005) aimed to revive the Bandung spirit of the non-aligned movement of 1955. This time with a stronger focus on economic ties. In 2013 these countries counted around 620 million inhabitants or 8.8% of the world population. They wanted to fight colonialism and neocolonialism by promoting Afro-Asiatic economic and cultural cooperation. Almost all member countries gained sovereignty and political independence by the 1960s and 1970s, with the exception of Palestine. However, the aftermath of the Bandung conference also promoted negative developments, including the polarization of Asian countries, the strengthening of political authoritarianism and regional interventions. In addition, most countries continued to grapple with economic and political challenges, including poverty, debt burdens, backwardness, ignorance, disease and environmental degradation. Their access to the markets of the industrialized countries also remained limited. At the global level, the NAASP received little attention so far. Despite the longstanding rhetoric of Asia-Africa solidarity, Asia and Africa still lack formal institutional and trade links. Although interregional trade increased, Africa remained a small part of ASEAN with only around 2% of its total market. The most important trading countries of ASEAN with Africa were Thailand, Indonesia and Singapore, while South Africa, Nigeria and Egypt were the largest African import markets. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : 'Les relations commerciales entre l'ASEAN [ANASE] et l'Afrique: vers un partenariat renouvelé ?' --- Le sommet de l'ASEAN d'octobre 2021 a montré l'importance géopolitique accrue de la region indo-pacifique. Aujourd'hui, l'ANASE est l'organisation régionale la plus performante d'Asie et la deuxième au monde derrière l'UE. La création du Nouveau partenariat stratégique Asie-Afrique (NAASP) plus de 15 ans auparavant (2005) visait à raviver l'esprit de Bandung du mouvement des non-alignés de 1955. Cette fois en mettant davantage l'accent sur les liens économiques. En 2013, ces pays comptaient environ 620 millions d'habitants soit 8,8% de la population mondiale. Ils voulaient combattre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme en promouvant la coopération économique et culturelle afro-asiatique. Presque tous les pays membres ont acquis leur souveraineté et leur indépendance politique dans les années 1960 et 1970, à l'exception de la Palestine. Cependant, les conséquences de la conférence de Bandung ont également favorisé des développements négatifs, notamment la polarisation des pays asiatiques, le renforcement de l'autoritarisme politique et les interventions régionales. En outre, la plupart des pays ont continué à faire face à des défis économiques et politiques, notamment la pauvreté, le fardeau de la dette, le retard, l'ignorance, la maladie et la dégradation de l'environnement. Leur accès aux marchés des pays industrialisés restait également limité. Au niveau mondial, le NAASP a reçu peu d'attention jusqu'à présent. Malgré la rhétorique de longue date de la solidarité Asie-Afrique, l'Asie et l'Afrique manquent encore de liens institutionnels et commerciaux formels. Bien que le commerce interrégional ait augmenté, l'Afrique est restée une petite partie de l'ASEAN avec seulement environ 2% de son marché total. Les principaux pays commerçants de l'ASEAN avec l'Afrique étaient la Thaïlande, l'Indonésie et Singapour, tandis que l'Afrique du Sud, le Nigéria et l'Égypte étaient les plus grands marchés d'importation africains.

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“…Although most ASEAN countries also sent migrant workers to the Middle East and East Asia, ASEAN intra-regional migration was most important. Concerning the latter two patterns were to be distinguished (Yazid & Septiyana 2019): First, countries bordering the Mekong river, i.e. Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam, with Thailand as the major migrant destination.…”

Section: Migration and Asean -African Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Migration and Asean -African Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%