This paper examines the notion of 'competence' in the VET systems of France and England. While both countries have developed 'competence-based' approaches, underlying the similar terminology are distinct meanings, rooted in the countries' institutional structures and labour processes. A key distinction is identified between a knowledge-based model in France and a skills-based model in England. Competence in the French sense is multi-dimensional and relies on the integration of practical and theoretical knowledge, as well as personal and social qualities within a broadly defined occupational field. By contrast, in England, competence refers to the performance of fragmented and narrowly defined tasks, with minimal underpinning knowledge. Thus, whereas 'competence' in the English VET system usually denotes functional employability for what may be relatively low-skilled employment, in France, it encapsulates the multi-dimensional development of the individual as a citizen as well as an employee.

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The European Qualification Framework (EQF) is intended to transform European national qualification frameworks (NQFs) by moulding them into a learning outcomes framework. Currently adopted as an enabling law by the European Union, the EQF has now operated for several years. In order to secure widespread adoption, however, it will be necessary for it to be anchored at the sectoral and occupational levels in the European labour market as well as at the European and national levels. The article assesses the progress made so far, identifies difficulties encountered and modifications that need to be made and provides an appraisal of the likely evolution of the EQF. It is argued that it is likely that some key design features, such as the ‘strong’ approach to learning outcomes and a narrow conception of competence will not survive modification and adaptation in the context of the European labour market. The argument is illustrated with some recent research on the EQF.

Drawing on the findings of research in the public hospitals sector in five European countries 1 -France, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and the UK-this article assesses the character of change in wage setting and collective bargaining. It demonstrates the diversity of national arrangements by comparing key characteristics: (i) the bodies of collective representation (unions, professional associations and employer bodies); (ii) the degree of integration with the wider public sector framework; (iii) coordination (or competition) with the private hospitals sector; and (iv) the practice of à la carte provisions within individual hospitals. Despite national varieties of wage setting and collective bargaining, each country sector faces similar tensions-most notably the opposition between public (labour market) rules and health (product market) rules, and pressures to segment or integrate employment conditions by labour force group. By examining the nature of change in institutions for wage setting and collective bargaining in each country, the article contributes to our understanding of the extent of coordination and change of public sector wage setting and describes three scenarios: fragmentation (Germany); continuity (France and the Netherlands); and reconstruction (the UK and Norway). 1 This article draws on the detailed assessments of changes in industrial relations, pay and work organisation in the public sector hospitals of France (Méhaut et al., 2008), Germany (Jaerhling, 2008), the Netherlands (van der Meer, 2008) and the UK (Grimshaw and Carroll, 2008), listed in the bibliography. These four country reports were prepared as part of a European project funded by the Russell Sage Foundation on low-wage work. Each report considered two occupational groups in detail, the nurse assistant and the cleaner. Detailed information for Norway derives from research conducted independently by Nirit Shimron that explores changes in wage-setting institutions in three sectors (hospital, banking and metalworking) in Norway, Germany and the UK.

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The French system of continuing vocational training was set up in 1970 by an intersectoral collective agreement that was then followed by legislation. More than 30 years on, the economic and social context has changed and the system now faces new challenges. In 2001 and again in 2003 the social partners embarked upon new negotiations in a bid to redesign the system. Analysis of the negotiation process and of its outcomes reveals both the persistence of societal characteristics and the emergence of significant innovations, particularly in the individualisation of training. This dual trend is explained by the characteristics of the actors involved as well as by the weakness of the state.