This is the accepted manuscript (post-print version) of the article.Contentwise, the post-print version is identical to the final published version, but there may be differences in typography and layout.

Members of Parliament are accountable to both their district and party. Consequently, they have to balance their responsiveness to these competing principals when their preferences diverge. Existing research on this representational dilemma focus mostly on the role of political institutions, whereas we offer a new individual-level explanation: Pre-parliamentary party careers. We show, using sequence analysis, that there are three ideal typical pre-parliamentary career paths: the party local, the party functionary, and the party civilian. We further show that the share of party locals has increased over time at the expense of party civilians in the Danish Parliament, and that party locals are more likely to diverge from the party's position when it is unpopular among their constituents.These findings corroborate existing evidence of political professionalization in parliamentary democracies, but they also suggest that professionalization may be associated with a localization of politics leading to more rather than less constituency representation.

BackgroundThe purpose of the present study was to quantify renal cell injury after ischemia and reperfusion in a pig model using 99mTc-lactadherin as a marker of apoptosis and 99mTc-sestamibi as a marker of mitochondrial dysfunction.MethodsThirty-four pigs were randomized into unilateral renal warm ischemia of 120 (WI120) or 240 min (WI240). The glomerular filtration rate (GFR) was calculated by renal clearance of 51Cr-ethylenediaminetetraacetic acid, and apoptosis was quantified by immunohistochemical detection of caspase-3. After 240 min of reperfusion, intravenous 99mTc-lactadherin or 99mTc-sestamibi was injected simultaneously with 153Gd microspheres into the aorta. Ex-vivo static planar images of the kidneys were acquired for determination of the differential renal function of tracer distribution using a gamma camera.ResultsIn WI120, there was no significant difference in the uptake of microspheres in the ischemic and contralateral normal kidney indicating adequate perfusion (uptake in ischemic kidney relative to the sum of uptake in both kidneys; 46% ± 12% and 51% ± 5%). In WI240, the uptake of microspheres was severely reduced in both groups (17% ± 11% and 27% ± 17%). GFR was severely reduced in the post ischemic kidney in both groups.In both groups, the uptake of lactadherin was reduced (41% ± 8%, 17% ± 13%) but not different from the uptake of 153Gd microspheres. Caspase-3-positive cell profiles were increased in the post-ischemic kidneys (p < 0.001) and increased as the length of ischemia increased (p = 0.003). In both WI120 and WI240, the amount of 99mTc-sestamibi in the ischemic kidney was significantly lower than the amount of 153Gd microspheres (40 ± 5 versus 51 ± 5 and 20 ± 11 versus 27 ± 17; p < 0.05).ConclusionsIn an established pig model with unilateral renal warm ischemia, we found significantly reduced 99mTc-sestamibi uptake relative to perfusion in the kidneys exposed to ischemia indicating a potential ability to detect renal ischemic and reperfusion injuries. However, apoptosis was not detected using 99mTc-lactadherin in the post-ischemic kidneys despite increased number of caspase-3-positive cell profiles.Trial registrationThis study is approved by the Danish Inspectorate of Animal Experiments (2010/561-1837).

In this article, we propose an individual-level explanation for variation in personalized representation, and ask which personality fits personalized representation. Building on political psychology literature, we derive hypotheses about how fundamental personality traits such as extraversion and agreeableness correlate with politicians’ preferences for personalized representation. We investigate these expectations using new survey data collected simultaneously among Danish and British MPs, including comprehensive personality measures. We show that personalized representation is particularly pronounced among MPs with higher levels of extraversion, openness to experience and lower levels of agreeableness. Furthermore, and in line with our theoretical expectations, we show that the correlations between personality traits and preferences for personalization vary across countries. Our findings suggest that personalized representation has an underlying personal dimension; consequently, politicians with certain personality traits may have an electoral advantage, particularly where politics become increasingly personalized.