One recent finding about the prostitution market is the differences in the extent and nature of violence experienced between women who work on the street and those who work from indoor sex work venues.This paper brings together extensive qualitative fieldwork from two cities in the UK to unpack the intricacies in relation to violence and safety for indoor workers. Firstly, we document the types of violence women experience in indoor venues noting how the vulnerabilities surrounding work-based hazards are dependent on the environment in which sex is sold. Secondly, we highlight the protection strategies that indoor workers and management develop to maintain safety and order in the establishment. Thirdly, we use these empirical findings to suggest that violence should be a high priority on the policy agenda. Here we contend that the organizational and cultural conditions that seem to offer some protection from violence in indoor settings could be useful for informing the management of street sex work. Finally, drawing on the crime prevention literature, we argue that it is possible to go a considerable way to designing out vulnerability in sex work, but not only through physical and organizational change but building in respect for sex workers rights by developing policies that promote the employment/human rights and citizenship for sex workers. This argument is made in light of the Coordinated Prostitution Strategy.

There has been extensive research into the extent to which voters utilise short cuts based on gender and race stereotypes when evaluating candidates, but relatively little is known about how they respond to other background characteristics.We compare the impact of candidates' sex, religion, age, education, occupation and location/residence through a survey experiment in which respondents rate two candidates based on short biographies. We find small differences in the ratings of candidates in response to sex, religion, age and education cues but more sizeable effects are apparent for the candidate's occupation and place of residence. Even once we introduce a control for political party into our experimental scenarios the effect of candidate's place of residence continues to have a sizeable impact on candidate evaluations. Our research suggests that students of electoral behaviour should pay attention to a wider range of candidate cues. Keywords: candidate evaluations; candidate traits; survey experimentsWe know relatively little about what socio-demographic characteristics voters value in election candidates -and the extent to which short cuts based on stereotypes matter when it comes to the way candidates are viewed by voters.The literature on candidate effects is large, but it is also partial and geographically skewed. There is a voluminous and sophisticated literature looking at some types of candidate characteristic, of which by far the most common are biological sex and race. But other characteristics are much less studied, and the majority of the literature draws on data from one country, the United States.

This paper uses empirical data collected from 117 female sex workers living in informal settlements in Nairobi and 15 healthcare providers to highlight specific effects of COVID-19 and related restrictions on healthcare access for the sex workers. We highlight the existing gender and health inequalities that have now been reinforced by the initial outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we focus on the most concerning healthcare needs for the sex workers including HIV prevention, care and treatment and sexual and reproductive healthcare. Our study findings reveal that the various restrictions imposed by the government to help curb the spread of COVID-19 to a large extent made it difficult for the sex workers to access their healthcare needs. The paper discusses the challenges of healthcare service delivery reflecting on some innovative and pioneering responses from health care providers to address the emergency situation.

The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. We discuss how our findings apply to other contexts in more detail in the conclusion. 16 We begin the article by outlining the mechanisms through which dissent may affect voter evaluations of their representative. We then present the results from our three studies, beginning with the observational data before moving on to the experimental studies. We conclude by considering the broader implications of our findings. Theory and expectationsDrawing on existing literature, we consider three mechanisms through which dissent may affect constituent evaluations of their legislative representative. Dissent could: (1) Profile effectsThe profile effects hypothesis, suggested as one possible mechanism by Kam, contends that dissenting legislators receive electoral benefits due to their enhanced media profile. 17 This increases their name recognition, which in turn leads to greater constituent approval and more support at the polls, for example via the recognition heuristic. 18 If any increased electoral success of dissenting legislators is wholly the result of such effects, then constituents do not in fact react to independentmindedness directly at all. 19 Conditional evaluationsIn contrast, conditional evaluation accounts posit that dissent can have a direct impact on voter evaluations of a legislator, but that the nature of this effect depends on the nature and context of the dissent and on the particular preferences of the voter. The predictions regarding voters who identify with a party other than that of their MP ('opposing partisans') are more ambiguous: these voters may be indifferent to dissent from their MP, or may even have particularly positive evaluations of dissent, inasmuch as it damages the brand of a party that competes with their own. Finally, non-partisans may also react particularly positively to dissent, if many such voters have a general dislike for partisan politics. 22Such partisan assessments of dissent need to be distinguished from a subtly different type of conditionality which also relates to voter partisanship, and which we label partisan crowding out.This refers to Kam's argument that when voters with strong partisan attachments come to evaluate an individual politician, party-related considerations (including the party affiliation of that politician) tend to dominate so that there is little or no room left for any other information about the politician -such as their dissent behaviour -to have any impact. 23 In contrast, the individual attributes of a politician ...

No abstract

This article analyses the relationship between the representatives and the represented by comparing elite and mass attitudes to gender equality and women's representation in Britain. In so doing, the authors take up arguments in the recent theoretical literature on representation that question the value of empirical research of Pitkin's distinction between substantive and descriptive representation. They argue that if men and women have different attitudes at the mass level, which are reproduced amongst political elites, then the numerical under-representation of women may have negative implications for women's substantive representation. The analysis is conducted on the British Election Study (BES) and the British Representation Study (BRS) series.In this article, we elucidate crucial dimensions of feminist theories of representation through an empirical test of whether there is congruence between the political attitudes of women politicians and women citizens. A growing literature on political representation is driven by feminist concerns to assess the representation of women in different political settings. Seeking to understand contemporary political practice, feminist scholars have revisited representation theory to develop an extensive literature which addresses concerns that are not systematically treated in the mainstream political science literature on representation. 1 This feminist scholarship has enhanced our understanding of the nature of representation. 2 * Campbell and Lovenduski: School of Politics and Sociology, Birkbeck College, University of London; and Childs: Department of Politics, University of Bristol (email: r.campbell@bbk.ac.uk). The authors are grateful to Pippa Norris for her continuing support of the British Representation Study and for her advice on its development, to Richard Topf for his help with the British Election Studies Information System (www.besis.org), and to Ron Johnston for his help with providing, and explaining how to use, certain statistical data. We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editors of the British

No abstract

There is substantial literature on how fears of Other populations are prompting the increased surveillance and regulation of public spaces at the heart of Western cities. Yet, in contrast to the consumer-oriented spaces of the city centre, there has been relatively little attention devoted to the quality of the street spaces in residential neighbourhoods beyond the central city. In this article, we explore how media representations of sex workers as an abject and criminalized Other inform the reactions of residents to street sex work in such communities. Drawing on our work in a number of British cities we highlight the different degrees of tolerance which residents express towards street sex work. In light of the Home Office strategy document, A Coordinated Prostitution Strategy, this article concludes by advocating participatory action research and community conferencing as a means of resolving conflicts and assuaging fears of difference