Like many other countries, Brazil has adopted gender quotas in elections for legislatures at all levels of the federation. However, Brazilian gender quotas have been ineffective at increasing women's participation in politics. Authors usually point to reasons related to the electoral system and party structure. This article analyzes a variable that is rarely considered: the role of the Electoral Court. We argue that the quality and intensity of the control exercised by an electoral court, when called upon to decide on the enforcement of the gender quota law, can influence the efficacy of this policy. We show that, in general, the Brazilian Superior Electoral Court tends to foster the participation of women in politics. However, based on two divides—between easy and difficult cases and between cases with low and high impact—we argue that in the realm of gender quotas, this court takes a rather restrained stance in those cases considered both difficult and with high impact.
Agradeço à Sociedade Brasileira de Direito Público -sbdp, pelo ambiente de reflexão e constante busca pelo conhecimento, que despertou em mim o interesse pela pesquisa acadêmica. Lá aprendi que é somente por meio da intensa dedicação aos estudos que se pode trilhar um caminho que conduza à tão almejada autonomia intelectual. Isso teve papel fundamental nas minhas escolhas futuras.Agradeço à DireitoGV pelo suporte institucional e financeiro, que contribuíram consideravelmente para a realização desta dissertação. Conciliar este estudo com outras atividades de pesquisa nesta instituição foi crucial para o amadurecimento intelectual.Além disso, agradeço pela oportunidade que tive de conviver com pessoas queridas, que me guiaram a seguir os passos da pesquisa acadêmica.Agradeço ao professor Conrado Hübner Mendes pelos valiosos ensinamentos que serviram de inspiração para os meus estudos no campo do direito e da ciência política.Agradeço ao professor Mario Schapiro, pelo incentivo para ingressar no programa de mestrado deste departamento; e ao professor José Garcez Ghirardi pelo apoio e pelo auxílio com o abstract. 11 ABSTRACTThis thesis aims at examining the way the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo
[Objective] The moment Russia officially invaded Ukraine, the world experienced a period of tension and uncertainty. As a social release valve digital communication, channels increased their number of users and activity, generating a large amount of data. Twitter, in particular, being one of the most popular channels for sharing information and opinions, exploded with activities related to this historical moment. And as with many other social events, such as COVID-19, this social network became one of the main sources of information, opinion, and knowledge. This paper analyzes sentiments in tweets related to the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine. [Methodology] The analyzed dataset contains tweets from January 1, 2022, through March 3, 2022, and was collected using event-related hashtags. In total, 603,552 tweets in English and 1,664 in Russian were analyzed. To perform emotion classification, DistilRoBERTa variant and the pre-trained XLM-RoBERTa-Base model were used, respectively. English tweets were classified into seven emotions: anger, disgust, fear, joy, neutral, sadness, and surprise. Russian tweets were classified into positive negative, and neutral polarities. [Results] The results showed that most English tweets convey fear and anger as predominant feelings, reaching 32.08% and 15.18% of the total tweets analyzed, respectively. Regarding tweets in Russian, the majority presented negative polarity, with 86.83% of the total. Some of the most recurrent phrases in the analysis allude to support for Ukraine and call for a halt to the war. Likewise, phrases of concern for the crisis, weapons, and fatalities are recurrent. [Conclusion] As expected, most people were concerned about the armed conflict and upset and angry about its consequences. Future works could use more tweets to improve the analysis and increase the time range to be studied. The analysis could also be segmented to study the sentiments of tweets according to different groupings and compare them with other societies, for instance, tweets could be segmented by country and analyzed accordingly.
Na atualidade não são raras as vezes que se fazem necessários estudos para se obter resultados melhores para um determinado problema. De fato, situações como estas são encontradas em uma variedade imensa de problemas, desde a necessidade de um trabalhador encontrar o melhor caminho para chegar ao seu local de trabalho até situações mais complexas como projetar uma rede de computadores ou de telecomunicações, interligando cidades de um país, com o menor custo possível -tema estudado neste trabalho.Nesta dissertação, consideramos o problema de projetar uma rede através da conexões entre pares de pontos, sob certas condições de conectividade. Tais condições garantem que a ocorrência de falha em uma conexão continue garantindo ligações alternativas entre pontos importantes da rede. Consideramos que estas falhas podem indisponibilizar apenas as conexões entre pontos, não consideramos falhas que indisponibilizam os pontos. O custo de uma rede é a soma dos custos das conexões existentes entre seus pontos. Neste problema o objetivo é obter uma rede com estas características de conectividade e que seja de custo mínimo.Para atingir esse objetivo, apresentamos algumas técnicas que são utilizadas para resolver esse tipo de problema. Descrevemos um algoritmo exato e algumas heurísticas para obter soluções viáveis de maneira eficiente. Por fim, apresentamos os resultados computacionais obtidos pela aplicação de teste em instâncias obtidas em repositórios públicos, algumas adaptadas para este problema.
The goal of this paper is to debate the degree of effectiveness of the rule of law in Brazil, through a survey measuring perceptions, attitudes and habits of Brazilians in regard to compliance to law. The survey conducted in Brazil is based on the study conducted by Tom R. Tyler in the United States, entitled Why People Obey the Law? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990). The main argument of Tyler´s study is that people obey the law when they believe it's legitimate, and not because they fear punishment. We test the same argument in Brazil, relying on five indicators: (i) behavior, which depicts the frequency with which respondents declared to have engaged in conducts in disobedience to the law; (ii) instrumentality, measuring perception of losses associated with the violation of the law, specially fear of punishment; (iii) morality, measuring perception of how much is right or wrong to engage in certain conducts in violation of the law; (iv) social control, which measures perception of social disapproval of certain types of behavior in violation of the law, and (v) legitimacy, which measures the perception of respect to the law and to some authorities. Results indicate that fear of sanctions is not the strongest drive in compliance to law, but more than legitimacy, indicators of morality and social control are the strongest in explaining why people obey the law in Brazil. Contents
Resumo Neste artigo, analisamos o uso de ferramentas do Facebook em campanhas eleitorais de candidatas ao cargo de deputado federal por São Paulo com o objetivo de avaliar se esse uso mitiga ou reproduz desigualdades socioeconômicas estruturais que elas vivenciam em sociedade. Acompanhamos o uso do Facebook durante a campanha eleitoral de 2018 visando entender especificamente se e como essa rede social foi utilizada por essas candidatas. A partir de uma base de dados com mais de 55 mil postagens de 465 candidatas, incorporamos um olhar interseccional sobre as múltiplas identidades dessas mulheres e correlacionamos seus marcadores sociais (estrato sócio-ocupacional, grau de instrução, idade e raça/cor) com o uso do Facebook durante a campanha eleitoral. Os resultados das análises quantitativas apontam que, em vez de mitigar as desigualdades socioeconômicas preexistentes, essa rede social acabou por reproduzi-las ao longo da campanha.
This paper investigates the degree of effectiveness of the rule of law in Brazil by analyzing how some vulnerable social groups, such as women and black people, deals with the compliance with law and with some authorities’ orders in Brazil. We created the Bra- zilian Confidence in Justice Index (BCJI) as a validate argument for our confidence measure and the Brazil Perception of Compliance with Law Index” (BPCLI) that measure perceptions, attitudes and habits of Brazilians concerning compliance to law. We identi- fied some reasons that could explain the perceptions of these specific social groups. We found that there is a positive and significant relationship between the Brazilian Confidence in Justice Index (BCJI) and Per- ception of Compliance with Law Index (BPCLI). This paper innovates when it shows some patterns regard- ing two vulnerable groups analyzed here: women and blacks believe that there are few reasons for a person like them obey the laws. In addition, we concluded that women have a higher level of BPCLI than men, which means, women comply with the law more than men; and blacks have a worst perception of the com- pliance with law comparing with whites, since they understand that Brazilian society seldomly comply with law. We also found a positive relationship of BP- CLI with variable age and income.
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