This article provides a detailed investigation of the prosody and syntax of dislocation in Durban Zulu, an Nguni Bantu language spoken in South Africa. With focus elements obligatorily appearing in an immediately after the verb position, non-focused elements within a verb phrase have to be right-or leftdislocated. We discuss the asymmetries between right-and left-dislocation, showing that only left-dislocated elements can be topics. We argue that aside from a pre-subject Topic position, there is also a Topic position between the subject and the verb phrase. The prosodic phrasing cues in Zulu show that both the CP and the νP phases play a crucial role in determining the alignment with Intonational Phrases.
2 I am following the tradition of most work on Bantu grammar (Doke 1943, 1954, Meeussen 1967, etc.) in describing /a/ as the least marked IFS. As this earlier work points out, /a/ is arguably the default IFS, as it occurs most frequently, being compatible with a wider range of tenses and aspects than the other IFS. See Mutaka (1994) for discussion of other phonological processes in Kinande which take the I-Stem as their domain. And see work like Myers (1987, 1998), Mchombo (1993) for arguments motivating the I-Stem in other Bantu languages. 3 As Hyman et al. (1999) argue, an alternative approach to denning the RED as a verb stem would be to define Kinande reduplication as a form of stem self-compounding at the I-Stem level. It is beyond the scope of this paper to compare these approaches in detail. The important point is they both agree in defining the RED as a verb stem whose segmentism and morphological parse are required to correspond to its Base stem. ' sort of tower' ' toy rat' ' many women' ' sort of chest' 'small stones' ' sweets' ' monthly' ' person'
This paper addresses three central questions in the phonology-syntax interface: What does phonology know about syntax? Does phrasal phonology "know" about syntax directly or indirectly (i.e., mediated by prosodic constituents such as Intonation Phrase)? When does the phonology-syntax interaction take place? Most current phase-based theories of the interface assume a strict cyclic model of derivation, in which the output of each spell-out domain directly feeds the phonology. We argue instead for an indirect model in which phonology is mainly conditioned by phase edges and accesses syntax only when the syntactic derivation is complete. We motivate the model mainly with data from Bantu languages that have played a leading role in the development of current theories of the phonology-syntax interface.
In this paper I discuss a source of reduplicative (non-)correspondence common to Bantu tone languages which has not received attention in the formal literature. In many Bantu languages, the entire RED+Base complex forms a single domain for realisation of the Base stem tone, leading to the occurrence of non-corresponding marked tone in both the RED and the Base. I propose that this pattern of tone realisation in reduplicated forms falls out if the reduplicative complex is a compound verb stem, as compounds are frequently treated as single domains for the realisation of prosodic properties. The length condition on tonal transfer in reduplication which has proven a challenge for previous work on this topic (Myers & Carlton 1996, Hyman & Mtenje 1999) is also shown to follow from the compound structure of the reduplicative complex. This analysis confirms that the morphological status of the reduplicative complex plays an important role in determining the realisation of reduplicative morphemes. * I would like to thank the organisers and the audiences at the Typology of African Prosodic Systems conference in Bielefeld, the Journées de Tonologie in Toulouse, and colloquia at Humboldt-Universität, UBC, Potsdam, SOAS and ULCL for the opportunity to present this work as it developed and benefit from their feedback. I am also grateful to the editors, an anonymous associate editor and three anonymous reviewers for comments which greatly improved both the substance and the presentation of this paper. I owe a debt of gratitude to my many language consultants over the years for their help in understanding tone and reduplication in their languages. Any errors of fact and interpretation are, of course, my responsibility.
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