Morphological and prosodic constraints on Kinande verbal reduplication

Downing, Laura J.

doi:10.1017/s095267570000381x

Cited by 89 publications

(44 citation statements)

References 48 publications

(58 reference statements)

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“…See de Lacy (2001) and Gordon (2005) The domain of this constraint is the D-stem, thereby excluding the initial subject marker as an onset for purposes of licensing H tone. A similar type of word-internal vowel-initial restriction is found in Kinande reduplication (Downing 2000;Mutaka 1994;Mutaka and Hyman 1990), in which root-initial vowels are not included as part of the reduplicant, despite having onsets.…”

Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 61%

“…18 The term derived stem (D-stem) consisting of the root and derivational affixes (see (29) below), is based on a similar constituent in Bantu languages such as Kinande (Downing 2000). In the Bantu literature, verbs are divided into constituents which serve as domains of particular phonological and morphological processes.…”

Section: Verbs With Light Syllables: H-h and H-lmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Odden (2006) proposes that the initial vowel is not part of the prosodic word. Downing (2000) translates the notion of extraprosodicity into a mismatch between the morphological stem and the prosodic stem. Initial vowels of phonological stems also fail to participate in reduplication and do not count for minimality effects in these languages.…”

Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Jenks

Rose

2011

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents a description and analysis of the tonal system of Moro, a Kordofanian language of Sudan, showing that the distribution of H(igh) tone is sensitive to a number of morphological and prosodic factors. First, we demonstrate that the distribution of H on nouns is sensitive to the OCP, both within roots and with affixes. Nouns also exhibit lexical distinctions between forms that exhibit unbounded rightward spreading of H and those that show no spreading. We model this distinction using cophonologies. While the distribution of H on Moro verb stems bears someWe are immensely grateful to our Moro speakers, Elyasir Julima and Ikhlas Elahmer, for sharing their language with us. We thank audiences at the 45 th Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, the Annual Conference on African Linguistics 37 and 40, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Florida, the University of California, Santa Barbara and Harvard University for useful feedback and comments. We appreciate in-depth comments and discussion from Eric Baković, Larry Hyman, Victor Manfredi, Andrew Nevins, David Odden, and participants in the San Diego Phonology Interest Group and UCSD Phonetics Laboratory meetings. The members of the Moro Language Project, particularly Farrell Ackerman and George Gibbard, helped in numerous, immeasurable ways in both checking the data and refining the analysis. Finally, two anonymous reviewers and the associate editors, Michael Kenstowicz and Junko Itô, provided us with challenging comments and advice for improving the paper, for which we are grateful. Portions of Sect. 4 of this paper will appear with a slightly different analysis under the title 'Syllable weight and high tone in Moro' in Proceedings from the Annual Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society 45. This material is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0745973 'Moro Language Project'. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation (NSF). P. Jenks ( ) Department of Linguistics, Harvard University, 3rd Floor, Boylston Hall, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA e-mail: pjenks@fas.harvard.edu S. Rose Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive #108, La Jolla, CA 92093-0108, USA e-mail: rose@ling.ucsd.edu 212 P. Jenks, S. Rose similarities to nouns, crucial differences emerge. Rightward H tone spreading is binary on verbs, and sensitive to the weight of the syllable in terms of both the presence of an onset and a coda. We model this effect as H tone spreading within a binary foot. Furthermore, unlike nouns, underlying representations play little role in the distribution of H on verb roots. H tone is predictably distributed within a morphological category, the derived stem (D-stem), similar to a constituent recognized in Bantu languages (e.g. Downing 2000). Finally, we analyze competition between H associated with ...

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Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 61%

Section: Verbs With Light Syllables: H-h and H-lmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Vowel-initial Verb Rootsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Jenks

Rose

2011

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…The alternative proposal, found in e.g. Downing (2000), Hyman, Inkelas and Sibanda (1999), Zoll (1999, 2000), and Myers and Carleton (1996), is that RED is a verb stem and forms a compound stem with the base stem, as shown in (3b).…”

Section: The Reduplicative Verb Complex As a Compound Stemmentioning

confidence: 99%

Resolving Verbal Reduplication Paradoxes in Malawian Tonga

Mkochi

2017

SPILPLUS

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The paper describes three verbal reduplication paradoxes in Malawian Tonga, a southern Bantu language spoken in the northern part of Malawi. The reduplicant (RED) is either total or partial and is either prefixed or suffixed to the base. The problem of whether the relevant level of prosodic (reduplicative) stem analysis is the syllable or the mora and thus whether the minimal size of RED should be two syllables or two moras is considered. The paper argues that this language offers three possibilities for reduplication, namely partial prefixal reduplication, total suffixal reduplication, and partial suffixal reduplication. Thus, reduplication in the language is optionally prefixal or suffixal, although the latter appears to be the default. The paper also argues that the relevant unit of prosodic stem analysis is typically the syllable and that reduplicative prosodic stems, like the base stem, are therefore required to be minimally bisyllabic, as in many other Bantu languages.

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“…Downing 2000). Figure 6 shows the correspondence relations between the IVStem and the prosodic constituent.…”

Section: Inflected Verb Stemmentioning

confidence: 99%

Class 1 deverbal and nondeverbal nouns in Shona: A comparative analysis

Mudzingwa

Kadenge

2014

SPiL Plus

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The main aim of this article is to present a comparative analysis of some synchronic morphological properties of Shona class 1 non-deverbal and deverbal nouns. On the surface, these nouns, like most other Bantu nouns, look superficially similar; they comprise a noun class prefix and a noun stem. However, this belies a huge diversity amongst these nouns. We demonstrate that class 1 non-deverbal and deverbal nouns display the following differences: first, the stems of non-deverbal nouns are monomorphemic whereas those of deverbal nouns are minimally bimorphemic and are derived from verb roots. Secondly, the boundaries between the class prefix and the nominal stem behave differently. To this end, we use vowel hiatus resolution as a diagnostic tool to demonstrate the differences. Third, in forming diminutives of non-deverbal nouns, there is substitution of prefixes whereas for the deverbal nouns there is stacking of prefixes. We demonstrate that deverbal and non-deverbal nouns behave differently with respect to their phonology and derivational properties. We conclude that nouns in class 1 are not uniform and a theory of noun classes needs to be rich enough to account for the diversity. This research contributes towards the description and analysis of Shona nominal morphology in particular, and Bantu Linguistics in general.

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Morphological and prosodic constraints on Kinande verbal reduplication

Cited by 89 publications

References 48 publications

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

High tone in Moro: effects of prosodic categories and morphological domains

Resolving Verbal Reduplication Paradoxes in Malawian Tonga

Class 1 deverbal and nondeverbal nouns in Shona: A comparative analysis

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