Canonical Forms in Prosodic Morphology

Downing, Laura J.

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286393.001.0001

Cited by 96 publications

(56 citation statements)

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“…While this goes against the original conception of the Prosodic Hierarchy by Nespor & Vogel (1986), it is in line with revisions by Inkelas (1989) and Downing (1998;2006) who propose a split of the Prosodic Hierarchy into a prosodic and a metrical hierarchy (as summarized in Poppe 2015). Their arguments are based on distinctions between phonology and morphosyntax and the frequent absence of overlap between the two, rather than on the type of situation that obtains in Saghala, where feet need to straddle Prosodic Word boundaries.…”

Section: The Relationship Between Foot and Wordsupporting

confidence: 58%

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Breteler

2017

Volume 2

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This paper proposes an approach to bounded tone shift and spread as found in Bantu languages. Its core intuition is that the bounding domain is delimited by foot structure. The approach uses layered foot representations to capture ternary phenomena, following Martinez-Paricio & Kager (2015). A set of licensing and structural constraints regulate tone-foot interactions. Harmonic Serialism is adopted as the grammatical framework, to allow for an account of opaque patterns (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004McCarthy 2010a).The present approach improves on previous accounts in two ways. Firstly, the size of the tonal bounding domain follows from independently motivated foot representations, rather than being stipulated in the constraint set. Secondly, the approach obviates the need for markedness constraints that refer to underlying structure, because all relevant lexical information is reflected in foot structures.The approach is demonstrated on Saghala (Patin 2009). Saghala shows both shift and spread in a trisyllabic domain. There are six tone patterns, dependent on the contact or near-contact of tones, and the position of word boundaries. An analysis is presented that accounts for all patterns. The success of the analysis shows that the foot-based approach is equipped to deal with a variety of bounded tone phenomena.

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Section: The Relationship Between Foot and Wordsupporting

confidence: 58%

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Breteler

2017

Volume 2

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“…We adopt the canonical morphosyntactic structure of the Bantu verb proposed by scholars such as Keach (1986), Mutaka and Hyman (1990), Myers (1990), Hyman (1993Hyman ( , 2005, Downing (1998Downing ( , 2006 and Ngunga (2000), amongst others. This structure consists of the following morphosyntactic constituents: (1967), Keach (1986), Myers (1990), Hyman (1993), and Downing (1998Downing ( , 2005Downing ( , 2006, amongst others, have provided both phonological and morphological evidence for the various constituents of the verb illustrated in Figure 4 above.…”

Section: The Verb Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This structure consists of the following morphosyntactic constituents: (1967), Keach (1986), Myers (1990), Hyman (1993), and Downing (1998Downing ( , 2005Downing ( , 2006, amongst others, have provided both phonological and morphological evidence for the various constituents of the verb illustrated in Figure 4 above. For the purposes of this article, we will briefly discuss the DStem and the IVStem.…”

Section: The Verb Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Class 1 deverbal and nondeverbal nouns in Shona: A comparative analysis

Mudzingwa

Kadenge

2014

SPiL Plus

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The main aim of this article is to present a comparative analysis of some synchronic morphological properties of Shona class 1 non-deverbal and deverbal nouns. On the surface, these nouns, like most other Bantu nouns, look superficially similar; they comprise a noun class prefix and a noun stem. However, this belies a huge diversity amongst these nouns. We demonstrate that class 1 non-deverbal and deverbal nouns display the following differences: first, the stems of non-deverbal nouns are monomorphemic whereas those of deverbal nouns are minimally bimorphemic and are derived from verb roots. Secondly, the boundaries between the class prefix and the nominal stem behave differently. To this end, we use vowel hiatus resolution as a diagnostic tool to demonstrate the differences. Third, in forming diminutives of non-deverbal nouns, there is substitution of prefixes whereas for the deverbal nouns there is stacking of prefixes. We demonstrate that deverbal and non-deverbal nouns behave differently with respect to their phonology and derivational properties. We conclude that nouns in class 1 are not uniform and a theory of noun classes needs to be rich enough to account for the diversity. This research contributes towards the description and analysis of Shona nominal morphology in particular, and Bantu Linguistics in general.

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“…Along with the verb stem, it has been seen as a privileged domain for a variety of processes, reduplication among them. In the mutually intelligible Nguni languages Zulu and Ndebele, reduplication is argued to be restricted to draw exclusively on non-inflectional Macrostem material (Downing 2001(Downing , 2009Hyman et al 2009;Sibanda 2004). However, data presented here show that, under certain conditions, inflectional non-Macrostem material may be included in the reduplicant as well.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%