Language development entails four fundamental and interactive abilities: listening, speaking, reading, and writing. Over the past four decades, a large body of evidence has indicated that reading acquisition is strongly associated with a child's listening skills, particularly the child's sensitivity to phonological structures of spoken language. Furthermore, it has been hypothesized that the close relationship between reading and listening is manifested universally across languages and that behavioral remediation using strategies addressing phonological awareness alleviates reading difficulties in dyslexics. The prevailing view of the central role of phonological awareness in reading development is largely based on studies using Western (alphabetic) languages, which are based on phonology. The Chinese language provides a unique medium for testing this notion, because logographic characters in Chinese are based on meaning rather than phonology. Here we show that the ability to read Chinese is strongly related to a child's writing skills and that the relationship between phonological awareness and Chinese reading is much weaker than that in reports regarding alphabetic languages. We propose that the role of logograph writing in reading development is mediated by two possibly interacting mechanisms. The first is orthographic awareness, which facilitates the development of coherent, effective links among visual symbols, phonology, and semantics; the second involves the establishment of motor programs that lead to the formation of long-term motor memories of Chinese characters. These findings yield a unique insight into how cognitive systems responsible for reading development and reading disability interact, and they challenge the prominent phonological awareness view.dyslexia ͉ phonological awareness ͉ reading development ͉ child language ͉ reading Chinese

Written Chinese as logographic script differs notably from alphabets such as English in visual form, orthography, phonology, and semantics. Thus, research on the Chinese language is important to advance our understanding of the universality and particularity of the organization of language systems in the brain. In this study, we examine the neural systems associated with logographic reading using functional magnetic resonance imaging. Two experimental tasks were devised, one based on semantic decision and the other on homophone decision. Compared to the fixation baseline, peak activations resulting from semantic as well as homophony decisions were localized in the left middle frontal gyrus (BA 9). Left inferior frontal cortex also mediated Chinese processing. In addition, more right hemisphere cortical regions (i.e., BAs 47/45, 7, 40/39, and the right visual system) were involved in reading Chinese relative to reading English. This is attributed to the square shape of the logograph which requires an elaborated analysis of the spatial information and locations of various strokes comprising the logographic character. We suggest that the left middle frontal area (BA 9) coordinates and integrates the intensive visuospatial analysis demanded by logographs' square configuration and the semantic (or phonological) analysis required by the present experimental tasks. Our study has implicated brain regions common to both logographic and alphabetic languages as well as brain regions specialized in processing logographs.

Reading in a second language (L2) is a complex task that entails an interaction between L2 and the native language (L1). To study the underlying mechanisms, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to visualize Chinese-English bilinguals' brain activity in phonological processing of logographic Chinese and alphabetic English, two written languages with a sharp contrast in phonology and orthography. In Experiment 1, we found that phonological processing of Chinese characters recruits a neural system involving left middle frontal and posterior parietal gyri, cortical regions that are known to contribute to spatial information representation, spatial working memory, and coordination of cognitive resources as a central executive system. We assume that the peak activation of this system is relevant to the unique feature of Chinese that a logographic character has a square configuration that maps onto a monosyllabic unit of speech. Equally important, when our bilingual subjects performed a phonological task on English words, this neural system was most active, whereas brain areas mediating English monolinguals' fine-grained phonemic analysis, as demonstrated by Experiment 2, were only weakly activated. This suggests that our bilingual subjects were applying their L1 system to L2 reading and that the lack of letter-to-sound conversion rules in Chinese led Chinese readers to being less capable of processing English by recourse to an analytic reading system on which English monolinguals rely. Our brain imaging findings lend strongest support to the idea that language experience tunes the cortex.

Functional magnetic resonance imaging was used to identify the neural correlates of Chinese character and word reading. The Chinese stimuli were presented visually, one at a time. Subjects covertly generated a word that was semantically related to each stimulus. Three sorts of Chinese items were used: single characters having precise meanings, single characters having vague meanings, and two-character Chinese words. The results indicated that reading Chinese is characterized by extensive activity of the neural systems, with strong left lateralization of frontal (BAs 9 and 47) and temporal (BA 37) cortices and right lateralization of visual systems (BAs 17-19), parietal lobe (BA 3), and cerebellum. The location of peak activation in the left frontal regions coincided nearly completely both for vague- and precise-meaning characters as well as for two-character words, without dissociation in laterality patterns. In addition, left frontal activations were modulated by the ease of semantic retrieval. The present results constitute a challenge to the deeply ingrained belief that activations in reading single characters are right lateralized, whereas activations in reading two-character words are left lateralized.

Three experiments were conducted to examine cross-language priming in bilinguals. The first was a cross-language primed lexical decision task experiment with Chinese-English bilinguals. Subjects made lexical decisions about primary associate targets in the two languages at the same rate, but priming occurred only when the prime was in their first language (Ll), Chinese, and the target was in their second language (L2), English. Experiment 2 produced the same pattern of asymmetrical priming with two alphabetic languages, French and Dutch. In Experiment 3, the crucial stimuli were translation equivalents. In contrast to the results of Experiments 1 and 2, priming occurred across languages in both the LI-L2 and L2-Ll conditions. However, this priming was also asymmetrical, with more priming occurring in the LI-L2 condition. A tentative separate-interconnected model of bilingual memory is described. It suggests that the representations of words expressed in different languages are stored in separate memory systems, which may be interconnected via one-to-one links between some translation-equivalent representations as well as meaning-integration processes.Bilinguals are able to communicate in either of two languages without experiencing constant intrusions from the inactive language. Yet when a bilingual learns something via one language, there appears to be access to that knowledge via the other language. How can the language systems be kept separate in practice and still share the same information? Are the languages represented as separate, independent modules in memory? Or, are all languages represented in a shared, interdependent semantic module? These questions have important implications for an understanding of bilingual behavior and for more general models of memory and representation.In 1963, Kolers formalized the question and integrated it into psychological issues of representation by proposing a shared-separate dichotomy. He suggested that the representations of words expressed in different languages either are stored in discrete independent memory systems or take totally abstract forms, such as propositions, and are shared by words in the two languages.We would like to thank the staff of Hong Kong University who served as subjects in Experiment 1 and the students and staff of the Center for Life and Learning of Louvain University for their help in carrying out Experiments 2 and 3. We would also like to thank Annette de Groot and David Balota for their comments on earlier versions of the paper, as well as MaryPotter, Judith Kroll, and a third reviewer for their comments on this paper. Correspondence should beaddressed to C. W. Keatley,

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Developmental dyslexia is a neurological condition that is characterized by severe impairment in reading skill acquisition in people with adequate intelligence and typical schooling. For English readers, reading impairment is critically associated with a phonological processing disorder, which may co-occur with an orthographic (visual word form) processing deficit, but not with a general visual processing dysfunction in most dyslexics. The pathophysiology of dyslexia varies across languages: for instance, unlike English, written Chinese maps visually intricate graphic forms (characters) onto meanings; pronunciation of Chinese characters must be rote memorized. This suggests that, in Chinese, a fine-grained visuospatial analysis must be performed to activate characters' phonology and meaning; consequently, disordered phonological processing may commonly co-exist with abnormal visuospatial processing in Chinese dyslexia. To test this hypothesis, we conducted an fMRI experiment in which 12 Chinese dyslexics, shown previously to exhibit a phonological disorder, performed a physical size judgment measuring visuospatial dimensions. Compared with 12 control subjects, the dyslexics showed weaker activations in left intraparietal sulcus (IPS) mediating visuospatial processing. Analyses of individual dyslexics' performances further suggest that developmental dyslexia in Chinese is commonly associated with the co-existence of a visuospatial deficit and a phonological disorder.

Functional magnetic resonance imaging was used to identify the neural correlates of Chinese character and word reading. The Chinese stimuli were presented visually, one at a time. Subjects covertly generated a word that was semantically related to each stimulus. Three sorts of Chinese items were used: single characters having precise meanings, single characters having vague meanings, and two-character Chinese words. The results indicated that reading Chinese is characterized by extensive activity of the neural systems, with strong left lateralization of frontal (BAs 9 and 47) and temporal (BA 37) cortices and right lateralization of visual systems (BAs 17-19), parietal lobe (BA 3), and cerebellum. The location of peak activation in the left frontal regions coincided nearly completely both for vague- and precise-meaning characters as well as for two-character words, without dissociation in laterality patterns. In addition, left frontal activations were modulated by the ease of semantic retrieval. The present results constitute a challenge to the deeply ingrained belief that activations in reading single characters are right lateralized, whereas activations in reading two-character words are left lateralized.