The boundary between health and social care services has been an important focus of both social research and policy reform in many western and northern European countries. In the UK there is a history of particularly sharp divisions between the centrally funded NHS and locally run social services. A consequence for older people, especially those with less acute or "intermediate" needs, is that they may be rationed out, ignored, or treated inappropriately on either side of the boundary. This paper seeks to go beyond explanations in terms of financial, administrative and professional divisions by using now-available public records to show how the boundary between health and social care was set in stone in the immediate postwar years and resulted in a constant battle between the two services over the needs they would meet. The first part of the paper examines a largely hidden history of health and social care policy. The second part examines the new NHS Plan and the extent to which it is likely to resolve the problem of the boundary.
The starting point of this research was the concern that the circumstances, let alone quality of life, of those who migrated to England during the postwar period and who are now progressing into early old age and retirement, have only recently become an issue for research and policy. The study treats quality of life as a phenomenon (comprising the domains control, autonomy, pleasure, and self-realisation) distinct from its potential influences. Qualitative interviews with respondents from four ethnically homogeneous groups (Jamaican Caribbean, Gujarati Indian Hindu, Punjabi Pakistani, and white English) identified six factors that influenced their quality of life: having a role, support networks, income and wealth, health, having time, and independence. Findings suggest that while both the influences on quality of life and the domains of quality of life were consistent across the ethnic groups, it was the ways in which they played out in people's lives that revealed ethnic variations.
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In this article we explore how sex education in schools has become an adversarial political issue. Although sex education has never been a wholly uncontroversial subject, we show that for two decades after the Second World War there was a broad consensus among policy-makers that it offered a solution to public health and social problems, especially venereal disease. From the late 1960s, this consensus came under attack. As part of a wider effort to reverse the changes associated with the 'permissive' society and legislation of the late 1960s, moral traditionalists and pro-family campaigners sought to problematize sex education. They depicted it as morally corrupting and redefined it as a problem rather than a public health solution. Henceforth, the politics of sex education became increasingly polarized and adversarial. We conclude that the fractious debates about sex education in the 1980s and 1990s are a legacy of this reaction against the permissive society.
The erosion of the traditional, male breadwinner model family – both normatively and in social reality – has opened up the possibility of more choice in terms of both partnering and the nature of the contributions that men and women make to households, but processes of ‘individualisation’ have also given rise to greater uncertainty.We know relatively little about how people perceive their options for partnering, re-production and employment at the level of the household, and in particular what they are prepared to ‘take a chance on’, and what kind of security they seek. Yet this is important for policy purposes, particularly in view of the rapid pace of family and labour market change.This article first addresses the kind of considerations that are necessary for a better understanding of the nature of risks and uncertainty arising from processes of individualisation. The substantive sections that follow draw on in-depth interviews with a heterogeneous sample of 21 cohabiting and married men and women, drawn from an Omnibus representative sample survey. The extent to which individuals regard partnering and childbearing as risks, and how they seek to manage them are explored and the implications for policy assessed.
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