1973) como procedimiento utilizado para influir sobre las prioridades de valores y mejorar las calificaciones escolares. El diseño experimental es pretest-postest sobre el rendimiento académico con grupo de control. La intervención se realizó en 12 grupos de 2º de B.U.P. (N= 301 alumnos), en 6 institutos de Madrid, asignando aleatoriamente un grupo a cada condición en cada instituto. Los resultados muestran que el uso de esta intervención educativa mejora de forma moderada aunque significativa los resultados académicos y que esta mejora es mayor para los alumnos insatisfechos con los resultados obtenidos en sus estudios, especialmente para aquellos insatisfechos con el tiempo que dedican a la tarea de estudiar.
The relative importance of values is a central feature in Schwartz’s value theory. However, instruments used for validating his theory did not assess relative importance directly. Rather, values were independently rated and scores then statistically centered, person-by-person. Whether these scores match those that result from explicitly comparing values has not been tested. We study this here using the Computerized Paired Comparison of Values (CPCV). This instrument was applied to samples from Germany, Brazil, Spain, and Israel, together with Schwartz’s Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). CPCV- and PVQ-data were analyzed by separate and joint multidimensional scaling, generalized procrustes, and response time analyses. Results support the validity of Schwartz’s structural theory, independently of the assessment instrument used.
Explanations of unemployment as non-expert beliefs or lay theories, were originally described by Furnham (1982) to follow three axes: individualistic, societal, and fatalistic. Through a revised 19-item version (EoU-R), comprising original and new items with its structure closely resembling the original one we studied 1,689 participants from eight countries (Brazil, United Kingdom, Greece, Poland, USA, Romania, Turkey, and Spain). Internal consistency for a derived three-factor structure (Individualistic, Fatalistic, Societal-Educational) was reached and crosscultural factor equivalence was supported across countries through covariance structure analysis. The composite EoU-R dimension scores were compared across countries, genders, and employment status groups with the largest differences across countries found for the Individualistic factor. Females were found to explain unemployment in terms of Societal-Educational explanations more than males and some interesting interactions also emerged. The Revised Explanations of Unemployment scale can be used cross-culturally and for within cultures comparisons and can prove useful for counseling.
Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country.The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of theirInstitutional Status(“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of theBasicAssumptions(“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian)InstitutionalStatusas well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque)BasicAssumptions(Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, theInstitutionalStatusand theBasicAssumptionsnot only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
Kínai anyák egy csoportjának beszámolóján keresztül vizsgáltuk kutatásunkban négy európai országban – Magyarországon, Németországban, Spanyolországban és Nagy-Britanniában – élő kínaiak integrációját, szociális támogatottságát, különös tekintettel a magyarországi csoportra. Kérdőíves, 218 kínai anya részvételével végzett vizsgálatunkban a többi csoporthoz képest a magyarországi csoport tagjai kisebb helyi nyelvi kompetenciáról, a helybeliekkel való kapcsolatkeresési hajlandóság alacsonyabb mértékéről, ugyanakkor a transznacionalitás, a Kínával való kapcsolattartás nagyobb intenzitásáról adtak számot. Az itteni kínaiakkal való kapcsolattartási hajlandóságuk viszont nem nagyobb a többi csoportban kapott értékekhez képest, sőt, még alacsonyabb is a nagy-britanniai csoporthoz viszonyítva. A gyerekeik barátai között viszont nagyobb arányban vannak kínai gyerekek, mint más csoportokban. A család mellett az iskola bizonyul a legfontosabb támogatási forrásnak mind a négy országban, mind az érzelmi, mind a praktikus, mind pedig az információs támogatottság terén. Az eredmények valamennyi csoportban több vonatkozásban is az iskola, a tanulás komoly szerepét támasztják alá. Vizsgálati személyeink a kínaiak általános társadalmi integrációjánál sikeresebbnek ítélik az iskolai integrációt, ugyanakkor a többi csoporthoz képest a magyarországi minta kevésbé elégedett ez utóbbi terület sikerességével. Az iskolával, tanulással való elégedettségre és az elégedettség bejósló tényezőinek feltárására is kitértünk.
Se investiga el impacto de los valores personales, la identidad comparativa (europea vs. nacional) y las representaciones sociales de la nación sobre las actitudes xenófobas de los jóvenes mediante encuestas a muestras representativas de la población de 18-24 años en cuatro países europeos (N total = 1904). Se muestra que la representación étnica (vs. cívica) de la nación modula la relación de las identidades sociales con la xenofobia.La investigación previa ha establecido que los valores universalistas y las identidades supranacionales inhiben la xenofobia pero Licata y Klein ( 2002) sostienen que la identidad europea puede reforzarla. Un análisis trans-cultural mediante ecuaciones estructurales revela que los valores de Conservación, la identidad nacional,
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