Acknowledgments: Author contributions DT and AG analyzed the data and wrote the text. MM coordinated molecular genetic work and provided primary data analysis; MG did much of genetic analysis and identification of the haplogroups; GT initiated human genetic studies at Ilia State University, discussed the results from the standpoint of history and social sciences, and made much effort to provide the research with all necessary resources. Y-DNA haplogroup diversity is most commonly used for the analysis of the ancestry of individual ethnic groups or linguistic families (Kayser et al. 1997;Brisighelli, 2012). The reason is that Y-DNA haplogroups generally show more distinct ethno-geographic patterns than matrilineally inherited mt-DNA (Comas et al. 2000;Nasidze et al. 2003Nasidze et al. , 2004b. This is most likely due to higher dispersal rates of women (Seielstad et al. 1998;Oota et al. 2001;Nasidze et al. 2004a), the effects of selective pressures on the mitochondrial genome (Mishmar et al. 2003) and/or sex ratio in favor of women, causing more genetic drift in males (Dupanloup et al. 2003). Moreover, there is a popular nomenclature of the haplogroups linked to a well-established phylogenetic pattern (Underhill et al. 2001;Y Chromosome Consortium, 2002;Karafet et al. 2008;Chiaroni et al. 2009).The Caucasus is among the most linguistically and culturally diverse regions of Eurasia (Comrie, 2008;Nasidze et al. 2004b;Marchani et al. 2008;Balanovsky et al. 2011;Yunusbayev et al. 2012). Currently, the region hosts dozens of languages that are grouped into three language families (Comrie, 2008):Caucasian, Indo-European and Turkic. The Caucasian language family traditionally includes Adyghean, Vainakh, Daghestanian, and Kartvelian languages (Catford, 1977), although the common origin of these languages is disputed (Starostin, 1989). Recent study by Pagel et al. (2013) shows that the Kartvelian and Dravidic language families are the most basal in relation to the other Eurasian language families. Diakonoff and Starostin (1988) suggest that Vainakh and Daghestanian (i.e. Northeast Caucasian languages) are related to extinct Hurro-Urartian. Armenian and Ossetian languages belong to the IndoEuropean language family, and Oghuz and Kypchak subgroups of the Turkic language group are spoken in the Caucasus as well (Catford, 1977;Comrie, 2008). Linguistic differences, along with the differences in political history, influence (but do not determine) the ethnic identities of the people inhabiting the region. Some ethnic boundaries (e.g. that of Armenians or Ossetians) coincide with the linguistic boundaries but those of the other ethnic groups only partly do so. Some groups speaking several mutually unintelligible but related languages consider themselves to be part of a single ethnos -e.g. Georgians or Avarians.Simultaneously, language rather than religion accounts for ethnic identity in the Caucasus -e.g. Ossetians, Abkhazians and Georgians maintain ethnic integrity in spite of different religions practiced within each of these ...
Reports of the damage from wolf attacks have increased considerably over the last decade in Georgia (in the Caucasus). We interviewed locals about this problem in two focal regions: the Lanchkhuti area (in western Georgia) and Kazbegi District (in eastern Georgia) where livestock numbers had increased by an order of magnitude owing to dramatic shifts in the local economies over the last decade. This coincided with expanding habitats for wolves (abandoned plantations, for example). We found that the perceived damage from wolves was positively correlated with a poor knowledge of wolf habits and inappropriate livestock husbandry practices. Our results suggest a loss of traditional knowledge contributes strongly to the wolf-human conflicts in Georgia. Restoring traditional, simple but good practices-such as protecting herds using shepherd dogs and introducing bulls into the herds-can help one solve this problem.
Acknowledgments: Author contributions DT and AG analyzed the data and wrote the text. MM coordinated molecular genetic work and provided primary data analysis; MG did much of genetic analysis and identification of the haplogroups; GT initiated human genetic studies at Ilia State University, discussed the results from the standpoint of history and social sciences, and made much effort to provide the research with all necessary resources. Y-DNA haplogroup diversity is most commonly used for the analysis of the ancestry of individual ethnic groups or linguistic families (Kayser et al. 1997;Brisighelli, 2012). The reason is that Y-DNA haplogroups generally show more distinct ethno-geographic patterns than matrilineally inherited mt-DNA (Comas et al. 2000;Nasidze et al. 2003Nasidze et al. , 2004b. This is most likely due to higher dispersal rates of women (Seielstad et al. 1998;Oota et al. 2001;Nasidze et al. 2004a), the effects of selective pressures on the mitochondrial genome (Mishmar et al. 2003) and/or sex ratio in favor of women, causing more genetic drift in males (Dupanloup et al. 2003). Moreover, there is a popular nomenclature of the haplogroups linked to a well-established phylogenetic pattern (Underhill et al. 2001;Y Chromosome Consortium, 2002;Karafet et al. 2008;Chiaroni et al. 2009).The Caucasus is among the most linguistically and culturally diverse regions of Eurasia (Comrie, 2008;Nasidze et al. 2004b;Marchani et al. 2008;Balanovsky et al. 2011;Yunusbayev et al. 2012). Currently, the region hosts dozens of languages that are grouped into three language families (Comrie, 2008):Caucasian, Indo-European and Turkic. The Caucasian language family traditionally includes Adyghean, Vainakh, Daghestanian, and Kartvelian languages (Catford, 1977), although the common origin of these languages is disputed (Starostin, 1989). Recent study by Pagel et al. (2013) shows that the Kartvelian and Dravidic language families are the most basal in relation to the other Eurasian language families. Diakonoff and Starostin (1988) suggest that Vainakh and Daghestanian (i.e. Northeast Caucasian languages) are related to extinct Hurro-Urartian. Armenian and Ossetian languages belong to the IndoEuropean language family, and Oghuz and Kypchak subgroups of the Turkic language group are spoken in the Caucasus as well (Catford, 1977;Comrie, 2008). Linguistic differences, along with the differences in political history, influence (but do not determine) the ethnic identities of the people inhabiting the region. Some ethnic boundaries (e.g. that of Armenians or Ossetians) coincide with the linguistic boundaries but those of the other ethnic groups only partly do so. Some groups speaking several mutually unintelligible but related languages consider themselves to be part of a single ethnos -e.g. Georgians or Avarians.Simultaneously, language rather than religion accounts for ethnic identity in the Caucasus -e.g. Ossetians, Abkhazians and Georgians maintain ethnic integrity in spite of different religions practiced within each of these ...
The applicability and analytical power of political ecology is improved by study of the 'ethno-ecological context', which is based on the concept of socio-ecological systems (SES). It represents an operating principle of interactions between the ecological and social systems of a specific locality, developing under different historical, political and climatic regimes. We compare two socio-ecological systems in the high mountain regions of Georgia -the Skhalta Gorge and the Upper Svaneti. These are on the southern and northern borders of Georgia. Historically, their socio-ecological systems were similar but today the Skhalta Gorge is rapidly depopulating, whilst in the Upper Svaneti the population is stable. The comparison of the ethnoecological context and today's state of affairs suggests that (i) "self-regulation" and conserving local culture and traditions, whilst the country undergoes rapid social and political changes, can lead to degradation or even destruction of either the ecological or the social components; (ii) conversely, sustainable development results from active intervention rather than abstaining from it; (iii) tourism appears as a mechanism that restores the ethno-ecological context by providing a source of income -under certain conditions, it supports traditional agriculture. Key words: Political ecology, ethno-ecological context, socio-ecological systems, Georgia, Adjara, Svaneti, Mulakhi community, Skhalta Gorge, sustainability, tourism. RésuméL'ajout de "contexte ethnoécologique" peut améliorer grandement la puissance d'analyse, ainsi que multiapplicabilité de l'écologie politique: le contexte ethnoécologique est basé sur le concept des systèmes socioécologiques et représente un principe de fonctionnement des interactions entre les systèmes écologiques et sociaux d'une localité spécifique, qui se développe de différentes manières sous un regime differént climatique, politique et naturel et qui provoque le développement durable du système socio-écologique local. Ceci est démontré par les exemples de systèmes socio-écologiques de deux régions de haute montagne de la Géorgie -la gorge Skhalta et la Haute Svanétie. Ces deux régions sont situés à différentes -sud et nordfrontières de la Géorgie. Historiquement, leurs systèmes socio-écologiques étaient similaires; cependant, maintenant la gorge Skhalta est dépeuple rapidement, tandis que dans le Haut Svaneti la démographie est stable. La comparaison du contexte ethno-écologique et l'état actuel des choses suggère que (i) en laissant les systèmes socio-écologiques sans intervention au motif de les mettre sur "l'autorégulation" et la conservation de la culture et les traditions locales (alors que le pays subit les changements rapides, social et politiques) peuvent conduire à une dégradation ou même la destruction de l'une ou l'autre composante -écologique ou la sociale -de ces systèmes; (ii) le développement durable résultant de l'intervention active, mais pas en abstenir; (iii) dans certaines conditions, le tourisme peut être non seulement ...
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