Communication ecosystems have mul­tiplexed and increased their capacity to act, distort, and fight. COVID-19 pan­demic and the response of the Ecuado­rian Government to it are clear exam­ples of the power of media to erode, to influence, and also to produce fake news. In this context, Twitter has be­come more than just a social plat­form, as it helped spread catastrophic pictures of the country, especially of Guayaquil. This article analyzes the tweets posted by the main domestic and global media and by the Ecuadori­an government accounts since the out­break of the pandemic in Ecuador, as well as the interrelations among them and their polarity score. The aim is to show how the government changed its action plan by focusing on exogenous elements that had been excluded from its (pre)established strategy, which consisted in neglecting and deliberate­ly minimizing a situation that turned out to be more serious than officially deemed and that was exposed by un­official global media. Keywords: Twitter, social network, mass media, impact, COVID-19, Ecuador.

ResumenEn las últimas dos décadas, en el proceso de gobernanza de la Unión Europea se ha ido debilitando progresivamente la importancia del sentido específicamente intelectual de la ideología, en favor de los procesos técnicos de resolución de problemas. Un cambio que podríamos denominar de desintelectualización de la hegemonía. El consenso no se genera en torno a una visión del mundo, sino más bien en relación a qué grupo particular tiene que ser responsable de la gestión administrativa de la UE. El discurso de la gobernanza, en consecuencia, ha desplazado su foco hacia modalidades que se desarrollan para hacer funcionar este policy making: las configuraciones institucionales devienen, necesaria y aparentemente, menos impositivas que en el pasado. La dirección tecnopolítica como capacidad de resolver los problemas 1 El presente trabajo fue patrocinado por el proyecto Prometeo

ColeCCión historia, Ciudadanía y magisterio ♦ Actores educativos en la región minera de Zacatecas 1754-1821. tomo i maría del rosario soto lescale colección Historia, ciudadanía y magisterio. número 6 silvya ortega salazar Rectora aurora elizondo Huerta

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Over the last few decades, the process of governing in the European Union (EU) has come to mean a whole series of activities conducted by social, political, and administrative actors, which guide, direct, control, and administrate society. The relationship between these actors in the governmental process is not hierarchical, but polycentric and mutually dependent. Therefore, the techno-corporatism alliance is formed by an epistemic community along with the industrial and financial lobbies. It organizes society around its own projection of a differential unit, thereby affirming its position of leadership and power – a differential unit which, in an ideologically broader definition, expresses itself and inevitably takes place throughout and within this language. First, this implies thinking of the techno-corporative discourse not in its apparent ethereal nature, but as a social practice of the legitimation of a mediated political direction that has intervened in the conception, construction, and approval of public policies over these last few decades. Even though this discourse contributes to the delineation of a certain social form, this does not suggest that it cannot contrast with it, or even exceed it because this form itself is contradictory. Second, the longitudinal analysis (2000–2010) of the techno-corporative discourse allows us to relate and articulate different discourses (critical, subordinated, and dissident discourses) which have affected the programs and projects of the European governance in the direction of society, thereby constructing a hegemonic vision in order to obtain general consent.

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Resumen.-Los estudios socio-políticos respecto a las conformaciones tecnocráticas en la UE permiten destacar un sistema de gobernanza a la luz de la alianza de clase entre la comunidad epistémica, la clase política clásica, los lobbies económicos y financieros. Esta alianza marca una revolución neo-liberal en la naturaleza del poder y una posición dominante en el proceso histórico hegemónico. En este articulo proponemos la análisis de las dinámicas histórico-políticas a través de las cuales, desde la Estrategia de Lisboa, la gobernanza europea construye y expande los mecanismos de subsunción al capital, imponiendo los ajustes y las reformas estructurales que están transformando nuestros modos de vida en ganancia y miseria. Palabras clave: Nueva Gobernanza; Empleabilidad; Flexiseguridad; EEES; EEE; Estrategia de Lisboa; Proceso de Bolonia; Europa 2020Abstract.-The socio-political studies concerning the technocratic conformations in the EU enable the emphasis on a governance system in the light of the class analysis between the epistemic community, the traditional political class, the economic and financial lobbies. This alliance sets a neo-liberal revolution in the nature of power and a dominant position in the hegemonic historical process. In this article we propose the analysis of the historical and political dynamics through which, since the Lisbon Strategy, the european governance constructs and expands the mechanisms of subsumption under capital, imposing the adjustments and the structural reforms that are transforming our lifestyles in greed and misery. Keywords: New Gobernance; Employability, Elexsecurity; EHEA; EES; Lisbon Strategy, Bologna Process; Europe 2020 IntroducciónEuropeans are in the process of constructing a "new Europe" on the foundations of improved competitiveness and a dynamic, knowledge-based economy that will ultimately extend over a significantly larger group of countries than the present 15 members of the European Union. Competitive advantage in the knowledge economy no longer relates purely to a product or service. It is much more dependent on the continuous acquisition of new skills by people and companies and being ahead of the competition in exploiting critical knowledge (ERT 2001:3).Tras los últimos veinte años se ha marcado una profunda transformación en la manera en que la Unión Europea funciona a nivel político-gubernamental. Esta transformación, más allá de la unificación del mercado común, ha coincidido con una significativa e importante expansión de las actividades comunitarias. La UE ha empezado a tener intereses no solo en la reglamentación económica, sino poco a poco en las principales áreas político-sociales en las que 1 El presente trabajo fue patrocinado por el proyecto Proyecto