Research on violent television and films, video games, and music reveals unequivocal evidence that media violence increases the likelihood of aggressive and violent behavior in both immediate and long-term contexts. The effects appear larger for milder than for more severe forms of aggression, but the effects on severe forms of violence are also substantial (r = .13 to .32) when compared with effects of other violence risk factors or medical effects deemed important by the medical community (e.g., effect of aspirin on heart attacks). The research base is large; diverse in methods, samples, and media genres; and consistent in overall findings. The evidence is clearest within the most extensively researched domain, television and film violence. The growing body of video-game research yields essentially the same conclusions. Short-term exposure increases the likelihood of physically and verbally aggressive behavior, aggressive thoughts, and aggressive emotions. Recent large-scale longitudinal studies provide converging evidence linking frequent exposure to violent media in childhood with aggression later in life, including physical assaults and spouse abuse. Because extremely violent criminal behaviors (e.g., forcible rape, aggravated assault, homicide) are rare, new longitudinal studies with larger samples are needed to estimate accurately how much habitual childhood exposure to media violence increases the risk for extreme violence. Well-supported theory delineates why and when exposure to media violence increases aggression and violence. Media violence produces short-term increases by priming existing aggressive scripts and cognitions, increasing physiological arousal, and triggering an automatic tendency to imitate observed behaviors. Media violence produces long-term effects via several types of learning processes leading to the acquisition of lasting (and automatically accessible) aggressive scripts, interpretational schemas, and aggression-supporting beliefs about social behavior, and by reducing individuals' normal negative emotional responses to violence (i.e., desensitization). Certain characteristics of viewers (e.g., identification with aggressive characters), social environments (e.g., parental influences), and media content (e.g., attractiveness of the perpetrator) can influence the degree to which media violence affects aggression, but there are some inconsistencies in research results. This research also suggests some avenues for preventive intervention (e.g., parental supervision, interpretation, and control of children's media use). However, extant research on moderators suggests that no one is wholly immune to the effects of media violence. Recent surveys reveal an extensive presence of violence in modern media. Furthermore, many children and youth spend an inordinate amount of time consuming violent media. Although it is clear that reducing exposure to media violence will reduce aggression and violence, it is less clear what sorts of interventions will produce a reduction in exposure. The sparse ...
We discuss some criticisms of laboratory experiments in psychology, giving special attention to the claim that these experiments lack external validity (since it is -widely assumed that ecological validity makes for external validity). We suggest that representative designs are inadequate for testing causal hypotheses, that ecological validity may facilitate the formulation of population estimates but is not necessary for causal hypothesis testing, and that experiments are not conducted to establish population estimates. Moreover, the meaning that subjects assign to the laboratory setting and their actions, rather than the laboratory setting's mundane realism, affects the generalizability of the laboratory results. We emphasize, as other writers have, that whether laboratory results are generalizable to other situations is an empirical question. Research on aggression, especially in regard to the "weapons ef-. feet," is employed to illustrate the possible extension of laboratory findings to other, more natural, situations.Most criticisms of laboratory experiments in psychology fault them for their "artificiality" or, in more sophisticated terms, for their lack of external validity. As everyone knows, the great majority of psychology's experiments employ a very limited sample of participants (typically, college students) placed in a fairly unique setting (a university laboratory) and usually working on tasks bearing little resemblance to their everyday activities. Given the unrepresentativeness of these subjects and situations, the critics ask, how can the findings be generalized to the "real world" of ordinary people engaged in their daily lives? In one form or another, this question has been raised by professionals and outsiders, by trained social scientists, and by persons having only a slight acquaintance with the field. There can be no easy answer. Anyone fa-
In this study we investigated the effects of emotional desensitization to films of violence against women and the effects of sexually degrading explicit and nonexplicit films on beliefs about rape and the sexual objectification of women. Male subjects viewed either two or five R-rated violent "slasher," X-rated nonviolent "pornographic," or R-rated nonviolent teenage-oriented ("teen sex") films. Affective reactions and cognitive perceptions were measured after each exposure. Later, these men and no-exposure control subjects completed a voir dire questionnaire, viewed a reenacted acquaintance or nonacquaintance sexual assault trial, and judged the defendant and alleged rape victim. Subjects in the violent condition became less anxious and depressed and showed declines in negative affective responses. They were also less sympathetic to the victim and less empathetic toward rape victims in general. However, longer film exposure was necessary to affect general empathy. There were no differences in response between the R-rated teen sex film and the X-rated, sexually explicit, nonviolent film, and the no-exposure control conditions on the objectification or the rape trial variables. A model of desensitization to media violence and the carryover to decision making about victims is proposed.
The present study was designed to investigate whether the behavioral characteristics of the people in erotic films and the nature of the targets available for aggression afterward can affect subsequent aggression. In Experiment 1, male subjects were angered by a male or female confederate. They were then shown a neutral film or one of three erotic films. The erotic films differed in terms of their aggressive content (two were aggressive and one was nonaggressive) and the reactions of the female victim in the two aggressive films (positive vs. negative). Subjects were then allowed to aggress against the confederate via electric shock. Results indicated that films had no effect on male targets whereas both types of aggressive erotic films increased aggression toward the female. In Experiment 2, the effects of the above films on nonangry viewers were investigated with only female confederates. Results indicated that angered male subjects were more aggressive toward the female after viewing either aggressive erotic film but that only the positive-outcome aggressive film increased aggression in nonangered subjects. Both the theoretical and applied aspects of aggressive and nonaggressive erotica are discussed.
Men who viewed five movies depicting violence against women came to have fewer negative emotional reactions to the films, to perceive them as significantly less violent, and to consider them significantly less degrading to women.Much concern has been expressed over what is perceived to be an increasing trend toward the portrayal of brutality against women in the media. Some individuals contend that the continual portrayal of women in film and other mass media as victims of sexual assault and other violent acts encourages the battering and sexual harassment of women in real life (21). Laboratory investigations of the effect of media portrayals on aggression against women have generally shown that exposing men to such portrayals results in more negative attitudes about women and increases in aggression against them (24). The study reported in this article attempts to extend previous research by exposing men to five commercially released, feature-length, R-rated movies that depict vioSex and Violence I Filmed Violence Against Women lence against women and then measuring the impact of this exposure on judgments made about the victim of a violent sexual assault.Malamuth (22) first pointed to the possibility that aggressive-pornographic stimuli might increase aggressive behavior against women. In his study, male subjects viewed aggressive or non-aggressive pictorials in Penthouse magazine that had been judged to be equally sexually arousing. The aggressive stimulus depicted the rape of a woman with some suggestion that the woman became sexually aroused by the rape. The non-aggressive stimulus depicted mutually consenting sex. Half the subjects were also given a communication designed to reduce inhibitions against aggression in which the experimenter said it was "okay" to behave as aggressively as they wished. Following exposure to these stimuli, subjects were insulted by a female confederate and then given the opportunity to give her an electric shock. Those males who were exposed to the aggressive' pornography and also received the disinhibitory communication delivered significantly more electric shocks than the others. Donnerstein (11, 12) conducted similar studies using short pornographic film clips. In one study (12), male subjects were either angered or treated in a neutral manner and then exposed to a non-aggressive pornographic film, an aggressive-pornographic film, or a neutral film. After viewing the films, subjects were given the opportunity to aggress against either a male victim or a female victim, both confederates of the experimenter. The results indicated that the combination of exposure to 131 Journal of Communication, Summer 1984 aggressive pornography, a high level of pre-exposure anger, and pairing with a female victim resulted in the highest level of aggressive behavior. However, even non-angered male subjects exposed to violent pornography showed significantly higher levels of aggression when paired with a female victim. Additional experiments (14) have demonstrated that exposure to aggressive-porn...
Previous content analyses of sex on television have relied on differing measures and sampling strategies, which makes it difficult to compare patterns of sexual portrayals over time. This large-scale study (N = 2,817 programs) examines the sexual messages presented on television across both broadcast and cable channels over a 5-year period, applying identical measures to three biennial samples of program content. Results demonstrate that sexual talk and behavior are highly frequent aspects of the television environment. Talk about sex is shown more often than sexual behavior, though both types of content increased significantly from 1997/1998 to 2001/2002. Over that time span, the percentage of shows portraying sexual intercourse doubled from 7 to 14%. Results also show that topics related to sexual risks or responsibilities (e.g., condom use, abstinence) are increasingly included on television, but nonetheless remain infrequent overall. Such safe sex messages occur most frequently in program environments where they are most relevant (i.e., when sexual intercourse is included in the story). The content analysis findings are discussed in terms of their implications for audience effects.
Is cyberbullying essentially the same as bullying, or is it a qualitatively different activity? The lack of a consensual, nuanced definition has limited the field's ability to examine these issues. Evidence suggests that being a perpetrator of one is related to being a perpetrator of the other; furthermore, strong relationships can also be noted between being a victim of either type of attack. It also seems that both types of social cruelty have a psychological impact, although the effects of being cyberbullied may be worse than those of being bullied in a traditional sense (evidence here is by no means definitive). A complicating factor is that the 3 characteristics that define bullying (intent, repetition, and power imbalance) do not always translate well into digital behaviors. Qualities specific to digital environments often render cyberbullying and bullying different in circumstances, motivations, and outcomes. To make significant progress in addressing cyberbullying, certain key research questions need to be addressed. These are as follows: How can we define, distinguish between, and understand the nature of cyberbullying and other forms of digital conflict and cruelty, including online harassment and sexual harassment? Once we have a functional taxonomy of the different types of digital cruelty, what are the short- and long-term effects of exposure to or participation in these social behaviors? What are the idiosyncratic characteristics of digital communication that users can be taught? Finally, how can we apply this information to develop and evaluate effective prevention programs?
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