Implementation of the Presumption of Innocence by journalists has implications for the occurrence of trial by the press and potentially impacts social disharmony. This study aims to explain the interpretation of the presumption of innocence in journalism, and the understanding and application of the presumption of innocence by online media journalists. This research uses qualitative methods by utilizing two data collection techniques. Firstly, documentation that collects some related research about the Journalistic Codes of Ethics of the Press Council, PWI and AJI. Secondly, in-depth interviews with four online media journalists. The result shows that the literal interpretation of the presumption of innocence is a principle not to judge someone even though it is side by side with the principle of objectivity, covering both sides, mention of identity, and legal grammar. Online media journalists have a collective understanding of the presumption of innocence. However, the journalists have an authentic understanding that causes the different implementation of the presumption of innocence. Moreover, demands for faster news production, media agency policies, and personal interest from journalists also impact partial implementation. This research contributes by forming a model for applying the presumption of innocence for online media journalists to avoid trial by the press.
Kolonialisme menghilangkan jati diri dan kepribadian Indonesia, karena penjajahan identik dengan hegemoni kebudayaan dan pemikiran stereotip. Untuk melawan praktik ini, Soekarno telah merintis pemikiran yang menonjolkan identitas bangsa Indonesia. Kristalisasi pemikiran ini tertuang dalam pidato 1 Juni 1945. Tujuan dari penelitian untuk membongkar third space of communication pidato Soekarno dalam membangun identitas bangsa Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisis hermeneutika untuk mengetahui usaha apa yang dilakukan oleh Soekarno untuk menemukan identitas bangsa Indonesia. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pidato 1 Juni 1945 adalah ruang komunikasi bersama untuk memfasilitasi nilai-nilai dan kebudayaan yang berbeda di Indonesia. Pertemuan nilai dan kebudayaan tersebut pada akhirnya berujung pada penemuan identitas bangsa dan narasi untuk melawan hegemoni kolonialisme. Penelitian ini berkontribusi pada pengayaan konsep third space of communication sebagai kajian Ilmu Komunikasi pada fenomena komunikasi di Indonesia.
This article presents the opposing point of view between Tempo Newspaper and Media Indonesia in reporting on the revision of the KPK Law after the presidential inauguration. The analysis focuses on the ideology reconstruction of both of those media. The method uses critical discourse analysis to uncover the invisible power, interests, and ideology behind the contents and elements of the articles and the production of a text on Tempo Newspaper and Media Indonesia. The findings that Media Indonesia's ideology in reporting the revision of the KPK Law is based on the political interests of the media owners, thus in this case, Media Indonesia considers the revision of the KPK Law as an effort to improve and strengthen the performance of the KPK with a pro-government narrative. Meanwhile, Tempo's ideology in reporting the revision of the KPK Law was based on elite interests, so the ideology used was investigative ideology by building a criticizing narrative based on the facts found. This study aims to increase public awareness of the importance of critically viewing this polarization; thus, the harmful excesses of political propaganda do not easily provoke them through mass media.
The Covid-19 pandemic, which has accounted for remarkable casualties in Indonesia, did not seem to make political elites more empathetic. The study aims to reveal how the mythology of the political elites behind the criticism of Instagram accounts @GejayanMemanggil. To fulfill this goal, we employed Roland Barthes' semiotic analysis of nine contents of @GejayanMemanggil. This study has revealed five major results. First, the mythology of the political elite is represented as the 'ancilus' of oligarchic interests during the Covid-19 pandemic. Second, political elites and oligarchs have superior positions to control society and health workers. Third, the political elites' policies focus more on economic recovery than the people’s safety. Fourth, @GejayanMemanggil Instagram account narrates the mythology of political elites who have no sensitivity towards people’s hardship because they exploit their positions and facilities as public officials. Finally, political elites show that they do not empathize with the suffering of the people during the Covid-19 pandemic.
This paper aims to reveal how the political background colors the political communication process in winning Abu (Muhammadiyah) and Lilik (Muslimat Nahdatul Ulama) in the 2018 regional election in Kediri City. This research uses qualitative research methods with instrumental case study approach, and we use data collection techniques in the form of in-depth interviews and documentation. The results show that the different political backgrounds of the candidates actually create cross-cutting affiliations between Muhammadiyah and NU Muslim society in Kediri City to provide support for Abu and Lilik in the Kediri City regional election. This cross-cutting affiliation is not created naturally, but is determined by ‘Wong Tebangan’ as King Maker. Political lobbying by a ‘Gus’ attracted support from several NU kyai in Kediri City. Then, holding regular NU Muslimat recitations and stall forums became a means of maintaining the integrity of support for attacks from other candidates. Finally, the research also revealed how Javanese beliefs, modern political instruments, and religion are used in winning elections.
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