A variety of family processes have been hypothesized to mediate associations between income and young children's development. Maternal emotional distress, parental authoritative and authoritarian behavior (videotaped mother-child interactions), and provision of cognitively stimulating activities (Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment [HOME] scales) were examined as possible mediators in a sample of 493 White and African American low-birth-weight premature infants who were followed from birth through age 5. Cognitive ability was assessed by standardized test, and child behavior problems by maternal report, when the children were 3 and 5 years of age. As expected, family income was associated with child outcomes. The provision of stimulating experiences in the home mediated the relation between family income and both children's outcomes; maternal emotional distress and parenting practices mediated the relation between income and children's behavior problems.

Although many families cope well despite the added challenges of caring for a child with a disability, our findings suggest that the demands of their children's disabilities can explain differences in the health status of parents and that parents of children with CP are more likely to have a variety of physical and psychologic health problems. Many of these findings are consistent with a stress process model, in which stress from caregiving can directly or indirectly affect a variety of measures of health, although some of the findings (asthma and arthritis) seem to strain this hypothesis. Alternate interpretations of these findings include the possibility that parents who are in regular contact with the health care system may have more opportunities to discuss and receive attention for their own health concerns than do comparison adults or that the greater number of health issues reported by CGs is related to the nature of our study, perhaps leading these parents to focus on their health and well-being in more depth than is usually feasible in a population survey. CGs of children with CP also had lower incomes, despite the absence of any important differences in education. The findings are consistent with the idea that the financial burden of caring for a child with a disability results in part from a reduced availability of these parents to work for pay. IMPLICATIONS FOR SERVICE PROVIDERS: Physicians and other health care professionals should be aware of the important relationship between child disability and CG health. Family-centered policies and services that explicitly consider CG health are likely to benefit the well-being of both CGs and their families. Future work should address the extent to which the family-centeredness of services, as experienced by CGs, is associated with better health outcomes for parents and their families.

The present study used Canadian National Longitudinal data to examine a model of the mechanisms through which the effects of neighborhood socioeconomic conditions impact young children's verbal and behavioral outcomes (N= 3,528; M age = 5.05 years, SD= 0.86). Integrating elements of social disorganization theory and family stress models, and results from structural equation models suggest that both neighborhood and family mechanisms played an important role in the transmission of neighborhood socioeconomic effects. Neighborhood disadvantage manifested its effect via lower neighborhood cohesion, which was associated with maternal depression and family dysfunction. These processes were, in turn, related to less consistent, less stimulating, and more punitive parenting behaviors, and ultimately, poorer child outcomes.

In this article we replicate and extend findings from Duncan et al. (2007). The 1st study used Canada-wide data on 1,521 children from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) to examine the influence of kindergarten literacy and math skills, mother-reported attention, and mother-reported socioemotional behaviors on 3rd-grade math and reading outcomes. Similar to Duncan et al., (a) math skills were the strongest predictor of later achievement, (b) literacy and attention skills predicted later achievement, and (c) socioemotional behaviors did not significantly predict later school achievement. As part of extending the findings, we incorporated a multiple imputation approach to handle missing predictor variable data. Results paralleled those from the original study in that kindergarten math skills and Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test-Revised scores continued to predict later achievement. However, we also found that kindergarten socioemotional behaviors, specifically hyperactivity/impulsivity, prosocial behavior, and anxiety/depression, were significant predictors of 3rd-grade math and reading. In the 2nd study, we used data from the NLSCY and the Montreal Longitudinal-Experimental Preschool Study (MLEPS), which was included in Duncan et al., to extend previous findings by examining the influence of kindergarten achievement, attention, and socioemotional behaviors on 3rd-grade socioemotional outcomes. Both NLSCY and MLEPS findings indicated that kindergarten math significantly predicted socioemotional behaviors. There were also a number of significant relationships between early and later socioemotional behaviors. Findings support the importance of socioemotional behaviors both as predictors of later school success and as indicators of school success.

Caregivers of children with health problems had substantially greater odds of health problems than did caregivers of healthy children. The findings are consistent with the movement toward family-centered services recognizing the link between caregivers' health and health of the children for whom they care.

This study examined the association of census level, observational, and parent-reported neighborhood characteristics on the verbal and behavioral competencies of a national sample of Canadian preschoolers (N = 3,350). Children's verbal ability scores were positively associated with residing in neighborhoods with affluent residents and negatively associated with residing in neighborhoods with poor residents and in neighborhoods with low cohesion, even after controlling for family socioeconomic factors. Behavior problem scores were higher when children lived in neighborhoods that had fewer affluent residents, high unemployment rates, and neighborhoods with low cohesion, after controlling for family socioeconomic factors. These findings are discussed in light of neighborhood studies of children in the United States in the mid-1990s.

Caregivers of children with both neurodevelopmental disorders and behaviour problems exhibited a greater number of health and psychosocial problems. While addressing children's behaviour problems, health care professionals should also consider caregiver physical and psychosocial health as this may also have an impact on children's well-being.

BackgroundPhysical and sedentary activities have been identified as potentially modifiable risk factors for many diseases, including mental illness, and may be effective targets for public health policy and intervention. However, the relative contribution of physical activity versus sedentary behaviour to mental health is less clear. This study investigated the cross-sectional association between physical activity, sedentary activity and symptoms of depression and anxiety at age 14–15 in the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY).MethodsRespondents aged 14–15 years between 1996 and 2009 who reported on symptoms of depression in the NLSCY were included (n=9702). Multinomial logistic regression was used to assess the relationship between physical and sedentary activity and symptoms of depression and anxiety. Joint models including both physical and sedentary activity were also explored. Models were adjusted for sex, ethnicity, immigration status, family income, parental education, recent major stressful life events and chronic health conditions.ResultsThe odds of having moderate and severe symptoms of depression and anxiety compared with no symptoms was 1.43 (1.11 to 1.84) and 1.88 (1.45 to 2.45) times higher, respectively, in physically inactive youth relative to physically active youth. The odds of having moderate and severe symptoms of depression and anxiety compared with no symptoms was 1.38 (1.13 to 1.69) and 1.31 (1.02 to 1.69) times higher, respectively, in sedentary youth relative to non-sedentary youth. In joint models including both physical and sedentary activity, sedentary activity was not consistently associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety.ConclusionsBoth physical inactivity and sedentary activity appear to be significantly related to symptoms of depression and anxiety. The importance of distinguishing these two behaviours has relevance for research as well as policies targeting physical activity and mental health in youth.