52% Yes, a signiicant crisis 3% No, there is no crisis 7% Don't know 38% Yes, a slight crisis 38% Yes, a slight crisis 1,576 RESEARCHERS SURVEYED M ore than 70% of researchers have tried and failed to reproduce another scientist's experiments, and more than half have failed to reproduce their own experiments. Those are some of the telling figures that emerged from Nature's survey of 1,576 researchers who took a brief online questionnaire on reproducibility in research. The data reveal sometimes-contradictory attitudes towards reproduc-ibility. Although 52% of those surveyed agree that there is a significant 'crisis' of reproducibility, less than 31% think that failure to reproduce published results means that the result is probably wrong, and most say that they still trust the published literature. Data on how much of the scientific literature is reproducible are rare and generally bleak. The best-known analyses, from psychology 1 and cancer biology 2 , found rates of around 40% and 10%, respectively. Our survey respondents were more optimistic: 73% said that they think that at least half of the papers in their field can be trusted, with physicists and chemists generally showing the most confidence. The results capture a confusing snapshot of attitudes around these issues, says Arturo Casadevall, a microbiologist at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore, Maryland. "At the current time there is no consensus on what reproducibility is or should be. " But just recognizing that is a step forward, he says. "The next step may be identifying what is the problem and to get a consensus. "

Eye-trackers are a popular tool for studying cognitive, emotional, and attentional processes in different populations (e.g., clinical and typically developing) and participants of all ages, ranging from infants to the elderly. This broad range of processes and populations implies that there are many inter- and intra-individual differences that need to be taken into account when analyzing eye-tracking data. Standard parsing algorithms supplied by the eye-tracker manufacturers are typically optimized for adults and do not account for these individual differences. This paper presents gazepath, an easy-to-use R-package that comes with a graphical user interface (GUI) implemented in Shiny (RStudio Inc 2015). The gazepath R-package combines solutions from the adult and infant literature to provide an eye-tracking parsing method that accounts for individual differences and differences in data quality. We illustrate the usefulness of gazepath with three examples of different data sets. The first example shows how gazepath performs on free-viewing data of infants and adults, compared to standard EyeLink parsing. We show that gazepath controls for spurious correlations between fixation durations and data quality in infant data. The second example shows that gazepath performs well in high-quality reading data of adults. The third and last example shows that gazepath can also be used on noisy infant data collected with a Tobii eye-tracker and low (60 Hz) sampling rate.Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:10.3758/s13428-017-0909-3) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

While distributional learning has been successfully demonstrated for auditory categorization, this study tests whether this mechanism also applies to object categorization: Tenmonth-olds (n = 38) were familiarized with either a unimodal or bimodal distribution of a visual continuum. Using automatic eye tracking, we assessed categorization through the alternating/nonalternating paradigm. For infants in the bimodal condition, their average dwell time was larger for alternating trials than for nonalternating trials, while infants in the unimodal condition initially looked equally long at both types of trials. This group difference suggests that the shape of frequency distribution bears on the number of categories that infants construct from a continuum. Later in test, all infants show this alternating preference. We conclude that categorization is a flexible process, continuously adjusting itself to additional input. For infants, each day is filled with novel information. Being able to categorize proves a vital ability in reducing the diversity in the outside world, as it enables infants to put novel objects into familiar categories (Rosch, 1978). Such "perceptual categorization" (Mandler, 2000) is a prerequisite for word learning, as all exemplars within a basic level category share the same linguistic label (Waxman & Lidz, 2006). How do infants build such categories? Certainly, infants can be guided by top-down knowledge, that is, the linguistic label can shape categorization (e.g.

Previous evidence revealed links between maternal negative emotions and infants' attention to facial expressions of emotion in clinical and community samples. This study investigated the associations between infants' attention to emotional faces and infants' and parents' negative emotions in a community sample. Infants' (N = 57, M = 14.26 months) fixations and pupil responses to fearful, sad, angry versus happy and neutral faces were measured with an eye-tracker. Mothers' and fathers' negative emotions (negative affect, depression, and anxiety), and infants' negative temperament were measured with questionnaires. Infants looked longer at fearful than happy or neutral faces, while they showed less pupil dilation to fearful than to happy or neutral faces. Higher levels of maternal negative emotions were related to less pupillary arousal to emotional facial expressions in infants, while paternal negative emotions did not predict infants' pupil responses. Exploratory analyses suggested a significant link between paternal but not maternal negative emotions and infants' fixations that was moderated by infant negative temperament: Higher levels of negative emotions in fathers were related to longer fixations in children with high levels of negative temperament, while it was related to shorter fixations in infants with low levels of negative temperament. The findings provide support for the idea that exposure to mothers' and fathers' negative emotions play a role on the development of infants' attention to facial expressions in typical development.

A robust set of studies show that adults make more horizontal than vertical and oblique saccades, while scanning real-world scenes. In this paper we study the horizontal bias in infants. The directions of eye movements were calculated for 41 infants (M=8.40 months, SD=3.74, range=3.48-15.47) and 47 adults (M=21.74 years, SD=4.54, range=17.89-39.84) while viewing 28 real-world scenes. Saccade directions were binned to study the proportion of saccades in the horizontal, vertical and oblique directions. In addition, saccade directions were also modeled using a mixture of Von Mises distributions, to account for the relatively large amount of variance in infants data. Horizontal bias was replicated in adults and also found in infants, using both the binning and Von Mises approach. Moreover, a developmental pattern was observed in which older infants are more precise in targeting their saccades than younger infants. That infants have a horizontal bias is important in understanding infants' eye movements. Future studies should account for the horizontal bias in their designs and analyses.