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Original Article
AbstractIn this study, I define ethno-racial status as the combination of socially ranked ethnic and racial characteristics individually embodied by mestizos (Spanish for mixed-race individuals). I argue that these characteristics represent distinct dimensions of ethno-racial status-phenotype, ancestry, and self-identification-and should be considered together when analyzing ethno-racial inequality in contexts of mestizaje. Moreover, I interpret self-identification as exposure to pervasive beliefs that give meaning to local ethno-racial identities rather than explaining it as a central indicator of race. Using nationally representative data of Peru, the mestizaje research setting, I examine whether there are significant differences in educational attainment and household possessions by phenotype, ancestry, and selfidentification. I find that indigenous ancestry and darker skin colors are inversely associated with both socioeconomic outcomes. Moreover, white self-identification compared to mestizo is negatively associated with educational attainment but positively associated with household possessions. This approach unveils ethno-racial beliefs as instrumental in gaining socioeconomic advantages.Keywords multidimensionality of race/ethnicity, race and ethnicity in Latin America, mestizaje, ethno-racial inequality, Peru 1 The etymological meaning of mestizo is available at the online ver sion of the Real Academia Española dictionary (http://www.rae.es/). Mestizo is used in Spanish as a noun for mixedrace individuals; as an adjective for characteristics attributed to racially mixed individu als, animals, and plants; and for characteristics attributed to mixed cultures. Accordingly, I will use the term mestizo to refer to individu als and cultures as a noun (in singular and plural) and as an adjective (in singular and neutral masculine, taking into account that adjec tives in English do not have gender). I translated the three epigraphs.
Ethnic issues in Guatemala are commonly analyzed using theoretical frameworks that underscore the role of Maya activism in promoting Mayan identification. However, these frameworks often pay insufficient attention to the local significance of phenotype. In this study, I propose an alternative framework to explain ethno-racial status in contexts of mestizaje. Based on this framework, I investigate whether phenotype, captured by skin color, is a significant dimension of ethno-racial status in Guatemala using nationally representative survey data and regression analysis. I specifically examine the association between skin color and ethnic self-identification, and differences by ethno-racial characteristics in the perception of skin color discrimination and in the desire for a whiter skin color. I find evidence of a direct association between skin color and ladino self-identification, evidence of a greater perception of skin color discrimination by individuals with more indigenous characteristics, and evidence of a direct association between indigenous ancestry, captured by indigenous first language, and the desire for a whiter skin color. These findings reveal the significance of phenotype as a distinct dimension of ethno-racial status in Guatemala beyond ancestry and ethnic self-identification.
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