This study explores the traditional media systems (press, radio and TV), the distribution and number of full-time journalists and the relative weight of those variables with reference to the speaking population in 10 European minority languages with at least a minimum press and/or broadcasting system, at the end of the first decade of the new millennium. The 10 communities that represent the often invisible reality of minority language Europe are Basque, Catalan, Galician, Corsican, Breton, Frisian, Irish, Welsh, Scottish-Gaelic and Sámi. The unit of analysis is the linguistic community. Presumably, it is the first systematic and comparative analysis focused on European minority language media.
This article investigates the reality and variations of the European minority language media systems between 2009 and 2016, a period of serious economic crisis and accelerated digitalization process. To that aim, several parameters were measured: structure of the media systems and changes during that period along the variables of media type, ownership and reach; presence and relevance of major media in each of the communities; number and variation of full-time journalists; and the density or relative weight of the media systems with regard to the speaking population. The 10 minority languages under analysis (Basque, Catalan, Galician, Corsican, Breton, Frisian, Irish, Welsh, Scottish-Gaelic and Sámi) represent a wide range of communities. The relevance of the study lies in its direct comparative nature and in the fact that it thoroughly updates previous scholarly literature, measuring the changes which occurred within the 10 media systems.
This study analyses the information and tools for citizen participation on the institutional websites of local bodies to improve participation in the management of local resources in a context following the introduction of Spain’s Transparency Law. The method is based on applying 14 indicators to analyse the institutional websites of 605 municipalities that have over 10,000 residents, located in 9 autonomous communities of the Spanish state. The main results show how the institutional information offered on the websites of the councils analysed does not follow journalistic criteria in terms of accountability, meaning that citizens’ decisions regarding their local governments cannot be based on precise, reliable information. In this regard, in this study we have confirmed that council websites publish very little information on the activity of the opposition or on the plenary sessions, debates and agreements, but do publish information on the activity of the government. Furthermore, they do not make use of web resources for citizen participation, which impedes the transparent, collaborative management of political processes between leaders and citizens. Nonetheless, the results show how political and technical managers are not averse to change if they have access to guidance and incentives to improve the management of information and participation on municipal websites.
INTRODUÇÃON a sociedade atual, novas formas de relacionamentos, novos contratos e novos códigos, entre outros aspectos, implicam distintas representações afetivo-amorosas entre os casais. Estes frutos da contemporaneidade têm profunda relação com a transformação da intimidade pessoal, com a evolução que Giddens denomina "sexualidade plástica" (2004:12), liberada de sua relação com a reprodução, orientada à negociação sexual.Segundo Roudinesco (2003), a mudança contribuiu para uma outra forma de enxergar as relações afetivo-amorosas e gerou uma grande "desordem", vivenciada pela nova organização social -a família. A autora observa que, desta forma, "a transmissão da autoridade é cada vez mais problemática, à medida que divórcios, separações e recomposições conjugais aumentam" (ibidem:19). A autora parafraseia JeanJacques Rousseau ao evidenciar a relevância da família como a mais antiga de todas as sociedades, e a única natural.Atualmente, a questão sobre a constituição do parentesco e da família vem se redefinindo, começando pelas margens da sociedade ou por sihttp://dx
This article aims to analyze the strategies used by political parties on Instagram posts during the election campaign of November 10, 2019, in terms of their content and media resources, in a politainment environment. A total of 655 publications were analyzed, coming from state and autonomous Catalan parties, through content analysis with quantitative and interpretative focus. From a comparative point of view, a gap is found between new and old political parties in the use of Instagram, and it is evident that the use of per- sonalization varies between formations. In the case of Catalan parties, the campaign is mixed with the effects of the situation of their former leaders. With some exceptions, the programmatic proposals during the campaign are blurred in almost all cases. It is concluded that, on Instagram, the electoral narrative is constructed as a narrative of staged self-referential actions, with the context of the political events in the Catalan case.
Our research focuses on a satirical political television programme called Polnia1 broadcast on a public Catalan channel. Infotainment is a controversial subject in academic circles. After an academic review of the civic effects of the television satire on the general public,
we provide data on infotainment in terms of its effects on the general public's understandings of Catalan and Spanish politics and politicians. Our study reflects viewers' understandings of Polnia and adds to the data on trends in European television. Two surveys and two focus groups were
organized, involving a total of 1985 people with different social, political and viewing profiles. The results confirm the influence of infotainment in generating changes in peoples' perceptions of politics. There is a general agreement among the participants that the programme affects neither
the voting turnout nor voting patterns. The results suggest that Polnia could reinforce the previous political malaise.
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