How do presidents win legislative support under conditions of extreme multipartism? Comparative presidential research has offered two parallel answers, one relying on distributive politics and the other claiming that legislative success is a function of coalition formation. We merge these insights in an integrated approach to executive-legislative relations, also adding contextual factors related to dynamism and bargaining conditions. We find that the two presidential "tools"-pork and coalition goods-are substitutable resources, with pork functioning as a fine-tuning instrument that interacts reciprocally with legislative support. Pork expenditures also depend upon a president's bargaining leverage and the distribution of legislative seats.

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Health literacy, a more complex concept than knowledge, is a required capacity to obtain, understand, integrate and act on health information [1], in order to enhance individual and community health, which is defined by different levels, according to the autonomy and personal capacitation in decision making [2]. Medium levels of Health literacy in an adolescent population were found in a study conducted in 2013/2014, being higher in sexual and reproductive health and lower in substance use. It was also noticed that the higher levels of health literacy were in the area adolescents refer to have receipt more health information. The health literacy competence with higher scores was communication skills, and the lower scores were in the capacity to analyze factors that influence health. Higher levels were also found in younger teenagers, but in a higher school level, confirming the importance of health education in these age and development stage. Adolescents seek more information in health professionals and parents, being friends more valued as a source information in older adolescents, which enhance the importance of peer education mainly in older adolescents [3]. As a set of competences based on knowledge, health literacy should be developed through education interventions, encompassing the cultural and social context of individuals, since the society, culture and education system where the individual is inserted can define the way the development and enforcement of the health literacy competences [4]. The valued sources of information should be taken into account, as well as needs of information in some topics referred by adolescents in an efficient health education. Schizophrenia is a serious and chronic mental illness which has a profound effect on the health and well-being related with the well-known nature of psychotic symptoms. The exercise has the potential to improve the life of people with schizophrenia improving physical health and alleviating psychiatric symptoms. However, most people with schizophrenia remains sedentary and lack of access to exercise programs are barriers to achieve health benefits. The aim of this study is to evaluate the effect of exercise on I) the type of intervention in mental health, II) in salivary levels of alpha-amylase and cortisol and serum levels of S100B and BDNF, and on III) the quality of life and selfperception of the physical domain of people with schizophrenia. The sample consisted of 31 females in long-term institutions in the Casa de Saúde Rainha Santa Isabel, with age between 25 and 63, and with diagnosis of schizophrenia according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR). Physical fitness was assessed by the six-minute walk distance test (6MWD). Biological variables were determined by ELISA (Enzyme-Linked Immunosorbent Assay). Psychological variables were assessed using SF-36, PSPP-SCV, RSES and SWLS tests. Walking exercise has a positive impact on physical fitness (6MWD -p = 0.001) and physical components of the psychological test...

The emerging literature on executive decree authority has generated important insights, but it has tended to select on the dependent variable (decrees), rather than view decrees as one of several possible ways that presidents can initiate policies. This article examines the conditions under which presidents resort to extraordinary rather than ordinary means of legislative initiative. Unilateral action theory claims that presidents will resort to decrees in unfavorable political environments, while delegation theory claims that decrees will flourish when the president is more politically secure. A study of four Brazilian presidents between 1988 and 1998 yields inconsistent support for both theories. Presidential popularity is only weakly related to the use of decree authority, but executive-legislative relations-especially coalition management via multiparty cabinets-is a more reliable predictor. Neither unilateral action theory nor delegation theory can fully account for the wide variation in the legislative strategies of presidents.Over the past century, a global trend in democratic regimes has been the incremental transfer of policymaking power from elected assemblies to the executive branch. In presidential systems, this shift in relative power has been accompanied by a proliferation of institutional devices that allow executives to choose from among a wide range of policy-initiating instruments (Carey and Shugart 1998; Shugart and Carey 1992). These range from direct introduction of legislation in Congress (not available to the U.S. president, but to many others), to expedited consideration of bills (fast-track and urgency mechanisms), to executive orders and rulemaking power, and even to presidential decrees with immediate force of law. As the menu of presidential options has lengthened, the game of executive-legislative relations in presidential regimes has grown more complex.Scholars have been disproportionately attracted to the most dramatic and controversial manifestations of executive initiative. In the United States, a significant

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Os deputados federais brasileiros têm cinco escolhas principais de carreira política: retirar-se do jogo político (aposentar-se); concorrer a um cargo legislativo estadual (ambição regressiva); concorrer à reeleição (ambição estática); e concorrer a cargos mais altos (ambição progressiva). Este artigo monta um modelo para explicar as características das escolhas dos deputados com respeito a suas decisões de carreira na eleição de 1998. Sustentamos que não é a "natureza" da ambição política que determina a escolha, mas a avaliação dos riscos e custos contidos na decisão. Usou-se um modelo de regressão logit hierárquico para estimar o impacto das distintas estratégias políticas utilizadas pelos deputados em seus mandatos e suas campanhas eleitorais. Os principais resultados sugerem que os deputados com diferentes escolhas de carreira apresentam distintas estratégias durante seus mandatos, o que influencia decisivamente suas preferências do que fazem para sobreviver politicamente.
The Brazilian incumbent legislators have five major choices of political career: to withdraw from the elected political game (to retire); to run for local legislative position (regressive ambition); to run for re-election (static ambition); and to run for higher offices (progressive ambition). This paper built a model to explaining the features of incumbent legislators choices regarding their career's decisions in 1998's Brazilian election. We argue that it is not the "nature" of political ambition that determines legislators' choice, but the evaluation of the risks and costs entailed in the decision. The main findings suggest that incumbents with different career's choices present distinct strategies during their mandates, which have decisive influences on their preferences of what they do in order to survive politically

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INTRODUÇÃOPara a grande maioria dos autores que analisam o sistema político brasileiro, nosso sistema eleitoral e os partidos políticos dele decorrentes funcionam como um verdadeiro obstáculo às iniciativas e preferências do Executivo. Tem sido freqüentemente defendido que o arcabouço institucional do sistema político fornece incentivos desfavoráveis à governabilidade democrática. Desse modo, a principal suposição defendida por esses autores é que o padrão de votação dos membros do Congresso, assim como o nível de fragmentação e indisciplina de seus partidos políticos, estão altamente relacionados às regras pelas quais os legisladores são selecionados pelos cidadãos. Na