This article is based on a theoretical-conceptual framework and empirically grounded research to analyze the construction of discourse and institutional insertion of ideas from epistemic communities of fiscal austerity in Brazil, given the recent upsurge in liberal-orthodox policies and their repercussions for the welfare state. The study explores who these actors and institutions are, how they act, how they are organized, and who trains or finances them. The main objective is to unveil how the ideas in defense of fiscal constriction were formulated and disseminated, starting after the first term (2003-2006) of President Lula da Siva’s government (2003-2010), when developmentalist policies replaced the neoliberal convention. The ideas of fiscal constriction were intensified during the government of President Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016), and gained characteristics of a unified proposal, materialized in the austerity program Uma Ponte para o Futuro (2015) (a bridge to the future). After President Rousseff’s impeachment in 2016, policy-makers in the government President Michel Temer and his successor Jair Bolsonaro rapidly put forward the austerity program. The epistemic communities of fiscal austerity argue that the public policies outlined in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution are the main cause of the increase in spending on welfare, the accelerated growth of public debt, and the probable insolvency of the country.
What are the impacts of the austerity reforms on the social protection network and the legacy of Social Security, enshrined in the 1988 Constitution of Brazil? The hypothesis of this article is that Brazil’s recent political economy demonstrates the antinomy between financial capitalism and representative mass democracy, which results in the corrosion of social protection policies and the regulation of capital/labor relations. The political economy is immunized against democratic grassroots pressure in a clear dispute over public funds and the growing commodification and deregulation of lucrative private activities in the social protection arena. This movement is favored by the existence of a political and electoral system that perpetuates the various conservative elites in a reactionary coalition that hinders the progress achieved in the expansion of citizenship and economic, cultural and social rights. Through national and international studies, as well as the analysis of political measures, we seek to justify this hypothesis.
This research analyzes the Brazilian structural economic crisis throughout the 1970s and 1980s and the political responses of the Authoritarian National Developmentalism (1964-1985). Firstly, the study highlights the nature of the international oil crises of 1973 and 1979, showing an unexpected rise in interest rates by the US Central Bank and the tightening of external credit after 1979. Rising interest rates meant the end of liquidity in the international credit finance market and the beginning of a drastically recessive policy in Brazil. These factors contributed to the erosion of the growth model based on external debt, a model reflected in two main paradigms: the “economic miracle” (1968-1973) marked by high GDP growth rates; and the II National Development Plan (II PND) (1974-1979), focused on deepening the import substitution industrialization (ISI). The collapse of authoritarianism led to hyperinflation, external indebtedness, and the state’s fiscal crisis, exposing the hegemony of rentier, nonproductive financial capitalism. The second part of the article investigates the negative externalities of the structural economic crisis at the social level, such as concentration, centralization, and closing of the decision-making process, hindering workers’ participation; the intensification of union mobilizations for wage recomposition; the spread of unemployment/underemployment in metropolitan regions; the wage squeeze; the increase in unhealthy labor relations and, therefore, the thinning of the social fabric.
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