Social media (i.e., Twitter, Facebook, Flickr, YouTube) and other services with user-generated content have made a staggering amount of information (and misinformation) available. Government officials seek to leverage these resources to improve services and communication with citizens. Yet, the sheer volume of social data streams generates substantial noise that must be filtered. Nonetheless, potential exists to identify issues in real time, such that emergency management can monitor and respond to issues concerning public safety. By detecting meaningful patterns and trends in the stream of messages and information flow, events can be identified as spikes in activity, while meaning can be deciphered through changes in content. This paper presents findings from a pilot study we conducted between June and December 2010 with government officials in Arlington, Virginia (and the greater National Capitol Region around Washington, DC) with a view to understanding the use of social media by government officials as well as community organizations, businesses and the public. We are especially interested in understanding social media use in crisis situations (whether severe or fairly common, such as traffic or weather crises).

Abstract. Communities with high levels of social capital are likely to have a higher quality of life than communities with low social capital (Coleman, 1988(Coleman, , 1990Putnam, 1993Putnam, , 2000. This is due to the greater ability of such communities to organize and mobilize effectively for collective action because they have high levels of social trust, social networks, and well-established norms of mutuality (the major features of social capital). Communities with 'bridging' social capital (weak ties across groups) as well as 'bonding' social capital (strong ties within groups) are the most effective in organizing for collective action (Granovetter, 1973;Putnam, 2000). People who belong to multiple groups act as bridging ties Simmel [1908Simmel [ ] 1950 Wellman, 1988). When people with bridging ties use communication media, such as the Internet, they enhance their capability to educate community members, and organize, as needed, for collective action. This paper summarizes evidence from stratified household survey data in Blacksburg, Virginia showing that people with weak (bridging) ties across groups have higher levels of community involvement, civic interest and collective efficacy than people without bridging ties to groups. Moreover, heavy Internet users with bridging ties have higher social engagement, use the Internet for social purposes, and have been attending more local meetings and events since going online than heavy Internet users with no bridging ties. These findings may suggest that the Internet -in the hands of bridging individuals --is a tool for maintaining social relations, information exchange, and increasing face-to-face interaction, all of which help to build both bonding and bridging social capital in communities.

This study explores the design and practice of the Blacksburg Electronic Village (BEV), a mature networked community. We describe findings from longitudinal survey data on the use and social impact of community computer networking. The survey data show that increased involvement with people, issues and community since going online is explained by education, extroversion and age. Using path models, we show that a person's sense of belonging and collective efficacy, group memberships, activism and social use of the Internet act as mediating variables. These findings extend evidence in support of the argument that Internet use can strengthen social contact, community engagement and attachment. Conversely, it underlines concern about the impact of computer networking on people with lower levels of education, extroversion, efficacy, and community belonging. We suggest design strategies and innovative tools for non‐experts that might increase social interaction and improve usability for disadvantaged and underrepresented individuals and groups.

This article adds to the debate over whether easy access to the Internet is the only outcome of community computer network projects or if there are tangible impacts to these initiatives. Building from Putnam's links between quality of life, community involvement, and social capital, the authors provide evidence as to the quality-of-life implications of the community computer network known as the Blacksburg Electronic Village (BEV). The results of the longitudinal study indicate frequent and increasing use of the BEV and the Internet for local, social-capital-building activities. However, there is no trend toward an increase in community involvement or attachment except in a subset of the population that scores high on measures of preexisting community involvement. The results offer Putnam justification for his claims about the Internet's role in social capital formation.

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