Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français (seconde partie)

Cristo, Albert Di

doi:10.1017/s0959269500000120

Cited by 53 publications

(46 citation statements)

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“…The pitch analysis yielded a very significant difference between the phonological phrase boundary and the word boundary conditions on both vowels surrounding the boundary. Examination of the data revealed that the pitch contour was most often rising across a word boundary within a phonological phrase (27 out of 32 sentences showed a rising pattern); whereas it was most often falling across a phonological phrase boundary (26 out of 32 sentences showed a falling pattern: this is consistent with the literature, which predicts a rising pitch pattern within sentence-medial phonological phrases in French, see, e.g., Di Cristo, 2000;Welby, 2003). Thus, pitch contour was also a highly consistent cue in the present set of sentences.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 86%

Phonological phrase boundaries constrain lexical access I. Adult data

Christophe

Peperkamp

Pallier³

et al. 2004

Journal of Memory and Language

148

122

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 86%

Phonological phrase boundaries constrain lexical access I. Adult data

Christophe

Peperkamp

Pallier³

et al. 2004

Journal of Memory and Language

148

122

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“…Early f 0 rises in the AP (APRs) acted as cues to word segmentation and lexical access. Vaissière (1997) andDi Cristo (2000) suggested such a role for the French early f 0 rise. Our materials included not only items with this early rise in the two-rise (LHLH) intonational pattern examined in Welby (2003Welby ( , 2006Welby ( , 2007, but also items with the earlyrise-high-plateau LHH pattern and the single-rise L1H2 pattern.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Welby (2003Welby ( , 2007 showed that French listeners could use the presence of an early rise in f 0 or even a simple "elbow" (inflection) in the f 0 curve not followed by a rise as a cue to a content word beginning, building on suggestions in the literature (Di Cristo, 2000;Vaissière, 1997). Listeners interpreted nonsense sequences such as / / as a single nonword mélamondine when the f 0 rise began at the first syllable (/ /) and as two words mes lamondines "my lamondines" when it began at the second syllable (/ /).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

An intonational cue to word segmentation in phonemically identical sequences

Spinelli

Grimault

Meunier

et al. 2010

Attention, Perception, & Psychophysics

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How do listeners accomplish the task of word segmentation, given that, in spoken language, there are no clear and obvious cues associated with word beginnings and ends? There is now a vast body of evidence showing that listeners use their tacit knowledge of a wide range of patterns in their native language to help them segment speech, including cues from allophonic variation, phonotactic constraints, transitional probabilities, and lexical stress (e.g., Cutler & Norris, 1988;McQueen, 1998;Quené, 1992;Saffran, Newport, & Aslin, 1996). Here, we examine the possibility that cues from intonation or the melodic structure of a language can help listeners find word beginnings in the speech stream.A given stretch of speech can be consistent with multiple lexical hypotheses, and these hypotheses can begin at different points in the input. In the French sequence l'abricot / / "the apricot," segmental information could be compatible with several competing hypotheses, such as l'abri / / "the shelter," la brique / / "the brick," and la brioche / / "the brioche." Listeners are routinely confronted with such transient segmentation ambiguities, and some ambiguities are total, as in Il m'a donné la fiche/l'affiche / / "He gave me the sheet/the poster," where there is no contextual information favoring one hypothesis over another, and the lexical hypotheses fiche "sheet" and affiche "poster" both seem to be equally supported by the (lack of ) contextual information in the input.Traditional psycholinguistic models, such as TRACE (McClelland & Elman, 1986) and Shortlist (Norris, 1994), have considered the processes underlying the mapping of sensory information from the acoustic input to the stored entries in the lexicon from such a phonemic approach. In these models, segmentation can be considered as a by-product of lexical competition, in the sense that it is achieved by a process of competition between candidate words. Lexical hypotheses that are consistent with the input are activated at any moment in time, regardless of their location in the input. Bottom-up activation and lateral inhibition among competing candidates allow listeners to resolve transient ambiguities that arise by selecting candidates that account for the entire input (such as l'abricot rather than l'abri or la brique in / /). In addition, a "modified version" of the 1994 Shortlist model incorpo- 775© We investigated the use of language-specific intonational cues to word segmentation in French. Participants listened to phonemically identical sequences such as / /, C'est la fiche/l'affiche "It's the sheet/poster." We modified the f 0 of the first vowel / / of the natural consonant-initial production la fiche, so that it was equal to that of the natural vowel-initial production l'affiche (resynth-consonant-equal condition), higher (resynthconsonant-higher condition), or lower (resynth-consonant-lower condition). In a two-alternative forced choice task (Experiment 1), increasing the f 0 in the / / of la fiche increased the percentage of vowel-initial (affiche) resp...

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“…Ces différences ont été confirmées pour les syllabes finales du SA (test t : t = 2,717; p = 0,009), mais non pas pour les syllabes non finales (test t : t ≤ 0,273; p ≥ 0,092). La hausse de l'intensité sur la deuxième voyelle dans nos données fait penser à l'accentuation secondaire (voir Di Cristo 1999, 2000. L'accent rythmique secondaire, ou accent initial, est dit de nature mélodique en français standard (Jun et Fougeron 2002).…”

Section: Intensité Vocalique à Travers Le Syntagme Accentuelunclassified

“…En ce qui concerne l'accent secondaire, vu que l'intensité augmente dans les deux types de SAs (avec un ou avec deux accents) et étant donné les contours mélodiques montants-descendants-montants qui accompagnent les SAs avec deux accents, on peut supposer que c'est tout de même la mélodie qui marque l'accent initial dans cette variété. Au regard de ces observations, les résultats québécois suivent la description traditionnelle du français européen, où les corrélats acoustiques de l'accent sont la durée et la mélodie (Cumming 2011;Di Cristo 1999, 2000Hirst et Di Cristo 1997 entre autres). L'augmentation de l'intensité sur la deuxième syllabe en FQ devrait être explorée plus amplement.…”

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(Non-)variabilité du rythme en français canadien

Kaminskaïa

2018

SHS Web Conf.

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Résumé. Le français ontarien partage la grammaire phonologique avec son parent québécois, tout en présentant des divergences conditionnées par la distance géographique et par le contact avec l'anglais. Le rythme du français ontarien a fait objet d'une série d'études récentes utilisant des mesures rythmiques, mais cet aspect prosodique n'a pas démontré d'influence du contexte minoritaire et du contact avec l'anglais. De plus, les données du contexte minoritaire ont montré une rythmicité plus syllabique (française) que celles des contextes majoritaires. Les mesures rythmiques seules manquant de capacité d'explication, pour explorer plus précisément les origines de ces résultats inattendus, nous comparons les données du français ontarien en contact et du français québécois, et explorons la typologie syllabique, la longueur et la durée des groupes accentuels, les rapports de durée des syllabes au sein d'un groupe accentuel et l'intensité des voyelles dans les limites de ce groupe. Des enregistrements spontanés ont servi à cette étude. Les résultats démontrent des similarités mais aussi des différences importantes qui tiennent à la distribution des durées syllabiques et à l'intensité des voyelles, et suggèrent qu'en français, en contexte minoritaire, l'intensité serait un corrélat acoustique de l'accent rythmique primaire et secondaire. Abstract. Rhythmic (in)variability in Canadian French.While sharing phonology with the parent Quebec variety, French spoken in Ontario shows differences that are due to the contact with English and to the geographical distance from Quebec. However, a number of recent studies focusing on prosodic rhythm and applying rhythm metrics did not reveal any effect of language contact. Moreover, not only they did not observe in Ontario French a more stress-timed pattern proper to the majority language, they found that the minority French data has an even more syllable-timed (French) pattern. Rhythm metrics alone are not able to explain these unexpected results, therefore, in order to better understand them, we are undertaking a comparative analysis of Ontario and Quebec spontaneous data focusing on syllabic typology, length and duration of the stress group, syllable duration ratios within it, and vowel intensity. Results reveal rhythmic similarities but also important differences that pertain to the duration ratios and to the distribution of the intensity within the stress group, suggesting that the intensity is an important acoustic correlate of primary and secondary stress in French spoken in contact with English.

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Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français (seconde partie)

Cited by 53 publications

References 0 publications

Phonological phrase boundaries constrain lexical access I. Adult data

Phonological phrase boundaries constrain lexical access I. Adult data

An intonational cue to word segmentation in phonemically identical sequences

(Non-)variabilité du rythme en français canadien

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