Trade unionism and social pacts in Spain in comparative perspective

Abstract

In this article, I contribute to the comparative literature on trade unions and social pacts, through an analysis of Spanish experience between 1996 and 2016. First, I specify the phases of agreement (‘competitive corporatism’) and confrontation. Second, I examine the impact of the agreements and the subsequent breakdown of tripartite social dialogue on the two most representative trade unions. This makes it possible to explain why these unions accumulated so little strength during the period of consensus, and their evident weakness and the risks they have faced since the start of the crisis and the turn to confrontation.

Understanding the positions taken by moderate union confederations and centre-left parties during labour market reforms in Portugal and Spain: Why the configuration of left parties and trade union confederations matters?

“…Interestingly, the share of fixed-term contracts declined slightly after this agreement. However, PP was looking for social partners’ support to consolidate its minority government (Mosquera, 2017; Royo, 2002). Finally, CCOO made an agreement with the PP government because it was no longer controlled by the PCE.…”

“…CCOO and UGT opposed it because no substantial changes were introduced to improve precarious contracts. Opposition to the PP government escalated in 2001 and 2002 as other reforms were implemented unilaterally and in June 2002 the union confederations organized a general strike (Molina and Rhodes, 2011; Mosquera, 2017).…”

“…The 2006 labour reform was a continuation of that of 1997 in that regulation of permanent contracts decreased but that of fixed-term contracts increased. This was achieved by providing subsidies to convert fixed-term contracts into permanent ones, by increasing self-employment regulation and improving unemployment benefits for precarious workers (Campos Lima and Artiles, 2011; Molina and Rhodes, 2011; Mosquera, 2017). The change in the PSOE position compared to its previous reforms is difficult to explain because neither the communists nor the radical left had gained a substantial number of votes in the 2004 elections.…”

“Part of the Elite”? Anti-Austerity Populism and Trade Unionism in Italy and Spain

“…We hypothesize that Podemos' cadres and militants do not adopt the "recalibration" argument; instead, we expect that they criticize the unions for their "conciliatory" stances towards left-of-centre governments, both before and during the Great Recession-the so-called "boxing and dancing" strategy (Pérez et al, 2016;Sánchez Mosquera, 2017)-. Podemos can be easily categorised as a "left-wing populist party" (Sola and Rendueles, 2017;Della Porta et al, 2017), within the broad family of the European Radical Left (see March, 2017).…”

Logistics Services Sector and Economic Recession in Greece: Challenges and Opportunities

“…The global financial crisis of 2008 which impacted Greece has resulted in a long-term severe national economic recession that further exerts pressure on the Greek industrial sectors [15]. Except for the economic-related ramifications, financial crisis and austerity measures have also impacted the structure and the form of trade union organizations with further social implications [16,17].…”